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昂山素季对待罗兴亚人的方式不理智

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2017年09月26日

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She wasn’t quite a saint but she came pretty close. Aung San Suu Kyi was an inspiration to millions around the world, her struggle a symbol of peaceful resistance to military rule.

她不是圣人,但近乎圣人。昂山素季(Aung San Suu Kyi)曾激励了世界各地的数百万人,她的斗争是和平抵制军政府统治的象征。

Following years of repression, including a long stint in solitary confinement, her battles reached a happy ending. She survived to preside over a transition and become Myanmar’s de facto ruler.

在被压制多年之后——包括被长期单独软禁——她的斗争有了圆满的结局。她熬了过来,现在能够主持缅甸的民主过渡,成为该国事实上的统治者。

Her achievement was the more remarkable because of the broader undemocratic context: the numerous freedom movements that were crushed elsewhere and authoritarianism creeping back to South East Asia.

考虑到整个地区普遍的不民主环境,她的成就便更为引人注目:其他地方的许多自由运动遭到镇压,威权主义在东南亚卷土重来。

How disappointing, then, that two short years after her party triumphed in elections the halo of “the lady”, as she is known, is fading. Why does Aung San Suu Kyi persist in denying the security forces’ responsibility in collective punishment of the Rohingya Muslims, a long-oppressed minority of nearly a million stateless people now facing a fresh wave of persecution?

因此,在“夫人”(the lady,人们对昂山素季的称呼)的政党赢得选举胜利仅两年后,她的光环就开始褪色,这多么令人失望。昂山素季为何坚持否认政府军在集体惩罚罗兴亚穆斯林中的罪责?罗兴亚穆斯林是人口近100万的少数族裔,他们没有国籍,长期遭受压迫,现在又面临新一波的迫害。

According to Human Rights Watch, satellite imagery shows the total destruction of a village in northern Rakhine state in late August, with as many as 700 buildings burnt — the latest military escalation following a Rohingya militant group’s attack against government police stations, checkpoints and an army base.

人权观察(Human Rights Watch)表示,卫星图片显示,今年8月末,缅甸若开邦(Rakhine)北部的一个村庄被完全摧毁,多达700幢建筑物被烧毁——这是继罗兴亚武装组织攻击政府警局、检查站和军事基地之后最新的军事活动升级。

True, Aung San Suu Kyi’s authority does not extend to the military and she cannot dictate an end to the collective punishment of the Rohingya. Her own contribution has been to establish an advisory commission on Rakhine state last year, working with the Kofi Annan Foundation. No one doubts that she is also under tremendous pressure, with multiple ethnic conflicts to address since she became state counsellor in 2015. What baffles is her unwillingness to exercise moral authority and speak out against human rights abuses.

的确,昂山素季的权威没有扩大到军方,她无法命令结束对罗兴亚人的集体惩罚。她自己的贡献是去年成立了若开邦事务顾问委员会,该委员会与科菲•安南基金会(Kofi Annan Foundation)合作。没有人怀疑她也承受着巨大的压力,自她在2015年成为国务资政以来需要解决多起种族冲突问题。令人困惑的是,她为何不愿运用道德权威公开谴责侵犯人权行为。

Hailed by the head of the Nobel committee, which awarded her the peace prize in 1991, as an example of the power of the powerless, Aung San Suu Kyi has watched helpless Rohingya driven out of the country, their houses burnt, their livelihood destroyed.

1991年获得诺贝尔和平奖的昂山素季,曾被诺贝尔委员会主席誉为无权者力量的代表。如今她看着无助的罗兴亚人被赶出缅甸,他们的房屋被烧毁,他们的生计遭到破坏。

Instead of condemning the military’s actions, her office seems to have adopted the typical playbook of authoritarian regimes: it claims the Rohingya have been setting fire to their own properties and blaming the security forces. It accuses international charities of helping Rohingya militants. And it insists there is no need for a UN fact-finding mission to uncover the truth.

昂山素季办公室没有谴责军方行为,而是似乎采用了威权体制的通常做法:它宣称罗兴亚人一直在纵火焚烧自己的房产,并嫁祸于政府军。它指责国际慈善组织帮助罗兴亚武装人员。它坚称,联合国没有必要派调查团来确证真相。

Her many supporters abroad, including fellow Nobel laureates, are dismayed but unwilling to give up hope, as if determined to bring out what they assume must be her repressed revulsion at the brutality. Malala Yousafzai, the youngest Nobel laureate, this week said that she — and the world — were waiting for Aung San Suu Kyi to condemn the shameful treatment of the Rohingya Muslims.

她在国外的许多支持者,包括其他诺贝尔奖获得者在内,都感到失望,但又不愿放弃希望,他们似乎下定决心要唤醒他们认为被压抑在她内心深处的对暴行的厌恶。最年轻的诺贝尔奖获得者马拉拉•尤萨夫扎伊(Malala Yousafzai)本周表示,她(和全世界)都在等待昂山素季谴责对罗兴亚穆斯林的可耻迫害活动。

It may be a long and futile wait. Aung San Suu Kyi is not the first celebrated opposition leader to turn a blind eye to rights abuses once in power. Earlier this year, in an interview with the BBC, she defended herself as “just a politician”, not quite like Margaret Thatcher — the comparison her critics favour — but also “no Mother Teresa”.

这等待可能将是漫长而徒劳的。昂山素季不是第一个在上台后就对侵犯人权行为视而不见了的知名反对派领导人。今年早些时候,她在接受英国广播公司(BBC)采访时为自己辩护,称自己“只是一名政治人士”,不太像玛格丽特•撒切尔(Margaret Thatcher)——她的批评者喜欢将她与撒切尔进行比较——但也“不是特雷莎修女(Mother Teresa)”。

The treatment of the Rohingya, however, is reckless politically. Their plight has been a long-running stain on the ethnic patchwork of Myanmar — hardly surprising that a militant group now feeds off their misery. The group calling itself the Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army launched its first attacks only last year.

然而,对罗兴亚人的迫害在政治上是鲁莽的。他们的苦难是少数族裔众多的缅甸长期的污点——现在一个武装组织依靠他们的苦难发展壮大,这几乎毫不令人意外。这家自称为若开罗兴亚救世军(ARSA)的组织去年才首次发起攻击。

The advisory commission set up by Aung San Suu Kyi’s office indeed describes Rakhine as a development, human rights and a security crisis, and the Rohingya as the largest stateless community in the world, chronically poor and excluded from Myanmar’s body politic. Further radicalisation, it warned in a report earlier this year, was a real risk.

昂山素季办公室设立的若开邦事务顾问委员会实际上将这个邦描述为一个发展、人权和安全危机,将罗兴亚人描述为世界上最大的无国籍群体,他们长期贫困,被排除于缅甸政治体(body politic)之外。更极端的是,该委员会在今年早些时候的一篇报告中警告称,进一步极端化的风险切实存在。

Its predictions are quickly coming true. With the latest violence, Rakhine is now mired in a vicious cycle, with militant attacks provoking disproportionate military retaliation, which in turn create new grievances and new insurgents.

这一预言很快成真。随着最新暴力活动的爆发,若开邦陷入了恶性循环,武装攻击引发了规模大得多的武装报复,这相应导致了新的苦难和新的反抗。

Aung San Suu Kyi may have lost courage for the moral fight. But even cold political calculation dictates a more humane treatment of the Rohingya.

昂山素季可能丧失了为正义而抗争的勇气。但即便仅从政治角度冷静地考量,也会得出如下结论:需要给予罗兴亚人更人道的待遇。
 


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