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敢说名人演讲英语:第一次就职演说 富兰克林·罗斯福

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        PresidentHoover, Mr. Chief Justice, my friends:

       This is a day of national consecration. And I am certain that on this day my fellow Americansexpectthat on my inductioninto the Presidency, I will address them with a candor and a decision whichthe present situation of our people impels.

  This is preeminently the time to speak the truth, the whole truth, frankly and boldly. Nor needwe shrink from honestly facing conditions in our country today. This great Nation will endure,as it has endured, will revive and will prosper.

\

 

  So, first of all, let me assert my firm belief thatthe only thing we have to fear is fear itself nameless,unreasoning, unjustified terror which paralyzes needed efforts toconvert retreatinto advance. In every dark hour of our national life, a leadership of frankness and of vigorhas met with that understanding and support of the people themselves whichis essential to victory. And I am convinced that you will againgive that support to leadership in these critical days.

  In such a spirit on my part and on yours we face our common difficulties. They concern, thankGod, only material things.

  Values have shrunk to fantastic levels. taxes have risen. our abilityto pay has fallen. government of all kinds is faced by serious curtailment of income. themeans of exchange are frozenin the currents of trade. the withered leaves of industrialenterprise lie on every side. farmers find no markets for their produce. and the savings ofmany years in thousands of families are gone. More important, a host of unemployed citizensface the grim problem of existence, and an equally greatnumber toil with little return. Only afoolish optimist can deny the dark realities of the moment.

  And yet our distress comes from no failure of substance. We are stricken by no plague oflocusts. Compared with the perils which our forefathers conquered, because they believed andwere not afraid, we have stillmuch to be thankful for. Nature still offers her bounty andhuman efforts have multiplied it. Plenty is at our doorstep, but a generous use of itlanguishes in the very sight of the supply.

  Primarily, this is because the rulers of the exchange of mankind's goods have failed,through their own stubbornness and their ownincompetence, have admitted their failure, and haveabdicated. Practices of the unscrupulous money changers stand indicted in the court of publicopinion, rejected by the hearts and minds of men. True,they have tried. But their efforts havebeen cast in the pattern of an outworntradition. Faced by failure of credit, they haveproposed only the lending of more money. Stripped of the lure of profit by whichto induce our people to follow their false leadership, they have resorted to exhortations, pleading tearfullyfor restored confidence. They only know the rules of a generation of selfseekers.

  They have no vision, and when there is no vision the people perish.

  Yes, the money changers have fled from their high seats in the temple of our civilization. Wemay now restore that temple to the ancient truths. The measure of that restoration lies in theextent to which we apply social values more noble thanmere monetary profit.

  Happiness lies not in the mere possession of money. it lies in the joy of achievement, in thethrill of creative effort. The joy, the moral stimulation of work no longer must be forgotten inthe mad chase of evanescentprofits. These dark days, my friends, will be worth all they costus if they teach us that our true destiny is not to be ministered unto but tominister to ourselves, to our fellow men.

  Recognition of that falsity of material wealth as the standard of success goes hand in handwith the abandonment of the false belief that public office and high political position are to bevalued only by the standards of pride of place and personal profit. and there mustbe an end to a conduct in banking and in business which too oftenhas given to a sacred trust the likeness of callous and selfish wrongdoing.

  Small wonder that confidence languishes, for itthrives only on honesty, on honor, on the sacredness of obligations, on faithful protection, andon unselfish performance. withoutthem it cannot live.

  Restoration calls, however, not for changes in ethics alone.

  This Nation is asking for action, and action now.

  Our greatest primary task is toput people to work. This is nounsolvable problem if we face itwisely and courageously.

  It can be accomplished in part by direct recruiting by theGovernment itself, treating the task as we would treatthe emergency of a war, but at thesame time, through this employment, accomplishing great greatlyneeded projects to stimulate and reorganize the use of our greatnatural resources.

  Hand in hand with that we must frankly recognize the overbalance of populationin our industrial centers and, by engaging on a national scale in a redistribution, endeavor to providea better use of the land for those best fitted for the land.

  Yes, the task can be helped by definite efforts to raise the values of agricultural products, andwith this the power to purchase the output of our cities. It can be helped by preventingrealistically the tragedy of the growing loss through foreclosure of our smallhomes and ourfarms. It can be helped by insistence thatthe Federal, the State, and the local governmentsact forthwith on the demand thattheir cost be drastically reduced. It can be helped by theunifying of relief activities which today are often scattered,uneconomical, unequal. It can behelped by national planning for and supervisionof all forms of transportation and ofcommunications and other utilities thathave a definitely public character. There are manyways in which it can be helped, but it cannever be helped by merely talking aboutit.

  We must act. We must act quickly.

  And finally, in our progress towards a resumption of work, we require twosafeguards against a return of the evils of the old order. There must be a strict supervision of all banking andcredits and investments. There must be anend to speculation with other people's money. Andthere must be provision for an adequate but sound currency.

  These, my friends, are the lines of attack. I shall presently urge upon a new Congress inspecial session detailed measures for their fulfillment, and I shallseek the immediate assistance of the 48 States.

  Through this program of action we address ourselves to putting our own national house inorder and making income balance outgo. Our international trade relations, thoughvastly important, are in point of time, and necessity, secondary tothe establishment of a sound national economy. Ifavor, as a practical policy, the putting of firstthings first. I shall spare no effort torestore world trade by international economic readjustment. but the emergency athome cannot wait on that accomplishment.

  The basic thoughtthat guides these specific means of national recovery is notnationally narrowly nationalistic. It is the insistence, as a firstconsideration, upon the interdependenceof the various elements in and parts of the United States of America arecognition of the old and permanently importantmanifestation of the American spirit of the pioneer. It is the wayto recovery. It is the immediate way. Itis the strongest assurance that recovery will endure.

  In the field of world policy, I would dedicate this Nationto the policy of the good neighbor: theneighbor who resolutely respects himself and, because he does so, respects the rights ofothers. the neighbor who respects his obligations and respects the sanctity of his agreementsin and with a world of neighbors.

  If I read the temper of our people correctly, we now realize, as we have never realized before,our interdependence on each other. that we can not merely take, but we must give as well.

  that if we are to goforward, we must move as a trained and loyal army willing to sacrifice forthe good of a common discipline, because without such discipline no progress can be made,no leadership becomes effective.

  We are, I know, ready and willing to submit our lives and our property to such discipline,because it makes possible a leadership which aims atthe larger good. This, I propose to offer,pledging that the larger purposes will bind uponus, bind upon us all as a sacred obligationwith a unity of duty hithertoevoked only in times of armed strife.

  With this pledge taken, I assume unhesitatingly the leadership of this great army of ourpeople dedicated to a disciplined attack upon our common problems.

  Action in this image, action to this end is feasible under the form of government which wehave inherited from our ancestors. Our Constitution is sosimple, so practicalthat it is possible always tomeet extraordinary needs by changes in emphasis and arrangement without loss ofessential form. That is why our constitutional system has proved itself the most superblyenduring political mechanism the modern worldhas ever seen.

  It has met every stress of vast expansion of territory, of foreign wars, of bitter internal strife,of world relations. And it is to be hoped that the normal balance of executive and legislativeauthority may be wholly equal, wholly adequate to meetthe unprecedented task before us.

  But it may be that anunprecedented demand and need for undelayed actionmay call for temporary departure from that normal balance of public procedure.

  I am prepared under my constitutional duty torecommend the measures that a strickennation in the midst of a stricken world may require. These measures, or such other measuresas the Congress may build out of its experience and wisdom, I shall seek, within myconstitutional authority, to bring to speedy adoption.

  But, in the event that the Congress shall failto take one of these two courses, in the eventthat the national emergency is still critical, I shallnot evade the clear course of duty that will thenconfront me. I shall ask the Congress for the one remaining instrument to meet the crisisbroad Executive power to wage a war against the emergency, as great as the power thatwould be given to me if we were in fact invaded by a foreign foe.

  For the trust reposed in me, I will return the courage and the devotion that befitthe time. I can do no less.

  We face the arduous days thatlie before us in the warm courage of nationalunity. with the clear consciousness of seeking old and precious moralvalues. with the clean satisfactionthat comes from the stern performance of duty by old and young alike. We aim at the assurance ofa rounded, a permanent national life.

  We do not distrust the the future of essential democracy. The people of the United Stateshave not failed. In their need they have registered a mandate thatthey want direct, vigorousaction. They have asked for discipline and directionunder leadership. They have made me thepresent instrument of their wishes. Inthe spirit of the gift I take it.

  In this dedication Inthis dedication of a Nation, we humbly ask the blessing of God.

  May He protect each and every one of us.

  May He guide me in the days to come.

胡佛总统,首席法官先生,朋友们:
    今天,对我们的国家来说,是一个神圣的日子。我肯定,同胞们都期待在我就任总统时,会像我国目前形势所要求的那样,坦率而果断地向你们讲话。现在正是坦白、勇敢地说出实话,说出全部实话的最好时刻。我们不必畏首畏尾,必须老老实实面对我国今天的情况。这个国家会一如既往地坚持下去,它会复兴和繁荣起来。因此,让我首先表明我的坚定信念:我们唯一不得不害怕的就是害怕本身——一种莫名其妙的、丧失理智的、毫无根据的恐怖,它把人逆流而上所需的种种努力化为泡影。凡在我国阴云密布的时刻,坦率而有活力的领导人都得到过人民的理解和支持,从而为胜利准备了必不可少的条件。我相信,在目前的危机时刻,大家会再次给予同样的支持。
    我和你们都要以这种精神来面对我们共同的苦难。感谢上帝,这些苦难只是物质方面的。货币难以想象地贬值了;课税增加了;我们的支付能力下降了;各级政府面临着严重的收入短缺;交换手段在贸易过程中遭到了冻结;工矿企业倒闭破产到处可见;农场主的产品找不到销路;千家万户多年的积蓄付之东流。
更重要的是,大批失业农民正面临着严峻的生存问题,还有大批公民正以艰辛的劳动换取微薄的报酬。只有愚蠢的乐天派会否认当前这些阴暗的现实。
但是,我们的苦恼决不是因为缺乏物资。我们没有遭到什么蝗虫的灾害。我们的先辈曾以信念和无畏一次次转危为安,比起他们经历过的险阻,我们仍大可感到欣慰。大自然仍在给予我们恩惠,人类的努力已使之倍增。富足的情景近在咫尺,但就在我们见到这种情景的时候,宽裕的生活却悄然离去。这主要是因为主宰人类物资交换的统治者们失败了,他们固执己见而又无能为力,因而已经认定失败了,并撒手不管了。贪得无厌的货币兑换商的种种行径,将受到舆论法庭的起诉,将受到心灵理智的唾弃。
    是的,他们是努力过,然而他们用的是一种完全过时的方法。面对信贷的失败,他们只是提议借出更多的钱。没有了作为诱饵吸引人民追随他们错误领导的金钱,他们只得求助于讲道。他们没有眼光,而没有眼光的人是要灭亡的。
如今,货币兑换商已从我们文明宙宇的高处落荒而逃。我们要以千古不变的真理来重建这座宙宇。衡量这重建的尺度是我们体现比金钱利益更高尚的社会价值的程度。
    幸福并不在于单纯地占有金钱,幸福还在于取得成就后的喜悦,在于创造努力时的激情。务必不能再忘记劳动带来的喜悦和激励,而去疯狂地追逐那转瞬即逝的利润。如果这些暗淡的时光能使我们认识到,我们真正的天命不是要别人侍奉,而是为自己和同胞们服务,那么,我们付出的代价就是完全值得的。
认识到把物质财富当作成功的标准是错误的,我们就会抛弃将地位尊严个个人收益作为唯一标准,来衡量公职和高级政治地位的错误信念;我们必须制止银行界和企业界的那种行为,它常常使神圣的委托混同于无情和自私的不正当行为。难怪信心在减弱。信心,只能来自于诚实、信誉、忠心维护和无私履行职责。而没有这些,就不可能有信心。
   但是,复兴不仅仅只是改变伦理观念。这个国家要行动起来,现在就行动起来。
我们最大、最基本的任务是让人民投入工作。只要我们行之以智慧和勇气,这个问题就可以解决。这可以部分由政府直接征募完成,就像对待临战的紧要关头一样,但同时,在有了人手的情况下,我们还急需能刺激并重组巨大自然资源的工程。
    我们齐心协力,但必须坦白地承认工业中心的入口失衡,我们必须在全国范围内重新分配,使土地在最适合的人手中发挥更大作用。
   明确地为提高农产品价值并以此购买城市产品所做的努力,会有助于任务的完成  避免许多小家庭业主、农场主被取消赎取抵押品的权利的悲剧,也有助于任务的完成。联邦、州、各地政府立即行动回应要求降价的呼声,有助于任务的完成。将现在常常是分散的不经济、不平等的救济活动统一起来,有助于任务的完成。对所有公共交通运输、通讯及其他涉及公众生活的设施作全国性的计划与监督,有助于任务的完成。许多事情都有助于任务完成,但这些决不包括空谈。我们必须行动,立即行动。
   最后,为了重新开始工作,我们需要两手准备以抵御旧秩序恶魔的卷土重来,一定要有严格监督银行业、信贷及投资的机制,一定要杜绝投机,一定要有充足而健康的货币供应。
以上这些,朋友们,就是施政方针。我要在特别会议上督促新国会给予详细实施方案,并且,我要向48个州请求立即的援助。
通过行动,我们将予以我们自己一个有秩序的国家大厦,使收入大于支出。虽然我们的国际贸易很重要,但现在,在时间和必要性上,让位于本国健康经济的建立。我建议,作为可行的策略,首要的事务先行。虽然我将不遗余力的通过国际经济的重新协调来恢复国际贸易,但我认为国内的紧急情况无法等待这重新协调的完成。
   指导这一特别的全国性复苏的基本思想并非狭隘的国家主义。我首先考虑的是坚持美国这一整体中各部分的相互依赖性。这是美国式的开拓精神古老而永恒的证明与体现。这才是复苏之路,这才是即时这路,这才是保证复苏功效持久之路。
在国际政策方面,我将使美国采取睦邻友好的政策。做一个决心自重,并且尊重邻国的国家。做一个履行义务,尊重与他国协约的国家。
   如果我对人民心情的了解正确的话,我想我们已认识到了我们从未认识的问题,我们是互相依存的,我们不可以只索取,我们还必须奉献。我们前进时,必须像一支训练有素的忠诚的军队,愿意为共同的原则而献身,因为,没有这些原则,我们就无法取得进步,领导也就不可能得力。我们都已做好准备,并愿意为此原则献出生命和财产,因为这将使志在建设更加美好社会的领导成为可能。我倡议,为了更伟大的目标,我们所有的人,以一致的职责紧紧团结起来。这是神圣的义务,非战乱,不停止。
    有了这样的誓言,我将毫不犹豫地承担领导我国人民的伟大军队的任务,致力于对我们普遍问题的解决。这样的行动,这样的目标,在我们从祖先手中接过的政府中是可行的。我们的宪法如此简单,实在,它随时可以应付特殊情况,只需对重点和安排加以修改而不丧失精髓。正因为如此,我们的宪法体制已自证为是最有适应性的政治体制。它已应付过巨大的国土扩张、外战、内乱及国际关系所带来的压力。
   而我们还希望行使法律的人能做到充分的平等,能充分地担负前所未有的任务。但现在前所未有的对紧急行动的需要,要求国民暂时放弃平常的生活节奏,紧张起来。
   让我们正视面前的严峻岁月,怀着举国一致给我们带来的热情和勇气,怀着寻求传统而珍贵的道德观念的明确意识,怀着老老少少都能通过克尽职守而得到的问心无愧的满足。我们的目标是要保证国民生活的圆满和长治久安。
我们并不怀疑基本民主制度的未来。合众国人民并没有失败。他们在困难中表达了自己的委托,即要求采取直接而有力的行动。他们要求有领导的法律和方向。他们现在选择了我作为实现他们的愿望的工具。我接受这份厚赠。
   在此举国奉献之际,我们谦卑地请求上帝赐福。愿上帝保佑我们大家和每一个人,愿上帝在未来的日子里指引我。

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