【奥巴马】2010国情咨文——2010年1月27日美国众议院

2010国情咨文——2010年1月27日美国众议院

Madam Speaker, Vice President Biden, members of Congress, distinguished guests, and fellow Americans:

Our Constitution declares that from time to time, the President shall give to Congress information about the state of our union. For 220 years, our leaders have fulfilled this duty. They've done so during periods of prosperity and tranquility. And they've done so in the midst of war and depression; at moments of great strife and great struggle.

It's tempting to look back on these moments and assume that our progress was inevitable—that America was always destined to succeed. But when the Union was turned back at Bull Run, and the Allies first landed at Omaha Beach, victory was very much in doubt.

When the market crashed on Black Tuesday, and civil rights marchers were beaten on Bloody Sunday, the future was anything but certain. These were the times that tested the courage of our convictions, and the strength of our union. And despite all our divisions and disagreements, our hesitations and our fears, America prevailed because we chose to move forward as one nation, as one people.

Again, we are tested. And again, we must answer history's call.

One year ago, I took office amid two wars, an economy rocked by a severe recession, a financial system on the verge of collapse, and a government deeply in debt. Experts from across the political spectrum warned that if we did not act, we might face a second depression. So we acted immediately and aggressively. And one year later, the worst of the storm has passed. But the devastation remains. One in 10 Americans still cannot find work. Many businesses have shuttered. Home values have declined. Small towns and rural communities have been hit especially hard. And for those who'd already known poverty, life has become that much harder.

This recession has also compounded the burdens that America's families have been dealing with for decades—the burden of working harder and longer for less; of being unable to save enough to retire or help kids with college. So I know the anxieties that are out there right now. They're not new. These struggles are the reason I ran for President. These struggles are what I've witnessed for years in places like Elkhart, Indiana; Galesburg, Illinois. I hear about them in the letters that I read each night. The toughest to read are those written by children—asking why they have to move from their home, asking when their mom or dad will be able to go back to work.

For these Americans and so many others, change has not come fast enough. Some are frustrated; some are angry. They don't understand why it seems like bad behavior on Wall Street is rewarded, but hard work on Main Street isn't; or why Washington has been unable or unwilling to solve any of our problems. They're tired of the partisanship and the shouting and the pettiness. They know we can't afford it. Not now.

So we face big and difficult challenges. And what the American people hope—what they deserve—is for all of us, Democrats and Republicans, to work through our differences; to overcome the numbing weight of our politics. For while the people who sent us here have different backgrounds, different stories, different beliefs, the anxieties they face are the same. The aspirations they hold are shared: a job that pays the bills; a chance to get ahead; most of all, the ability to give their children a better life.

You know what else they share? They share a stubborn resilience in the face of adversity. After one of the most difficult years in our history, they remain busy building cars and teaching kids, starting businesses and going back to school. They're coaching Little League and helping their neighbors. One woman wrote to me and said, "We are strained but hopeful, struggling but encouraged."

It's because of this spirit—this great decency and great strength—that I have never been more hopeful about America's future than I am tonight. Despite our hardships, our union is strong. We do not give up. We do not quit. We do not allow fear or division to break our spirit. In this new decade, it's time the American people get a government that matches their decency; that embodies their strength.

And tonight, tonight I'd like to talk about how together we can deliver on that promise.

It begins with our economy.

Our most urgent task upon taking office was to shore up the same banks that helped cause this crisis. It was not easy to do. And if there's one thing that has unified Democrats and Republicans, and everybody in between, it's that we all hated the bank bailout. I hated it, I hated it. You hated it. It was about as popular as a root canal. But when I ran for President, I promised I wouldn't just do what was popular—I would do what was necessary. And if we had allowed the meltdown of the financial system, unemployment might be double what it is today. More businesses would certainly have closed. More homes would have surely been lost.

So I supported the last administration's efforts to create the financial rescue program. And when we took that program over, we made it more transparent and more accountable. And as a result, the markets are now stabilized, and we've recovered most of the money we spent on the banks. Most but not all. To recover the rest, I've proposed a fee on the biggest banks. Now, I know Wall Street isn't keen on this idea. But if these firms can afford to hand out big bonuses again, they can afford a modest fee to pay back the taxpayers who rescued them in their time of need.

Now, as we stabilized the financial system, we also took steps to get our economy growing again, save as many jobs as possible, and help Americans who had become unemployed. That's why we extended or increased unemployment benefits for more than 18 million Americans; made health insurance 65 percent cheaper for families who get their coverage through COBRA; and passed 25 different tax cuts.

Now, let me repeat: We cut taxes. We cut taxes for 95 percent of working families. We cut taxes for small businesses. We cut taxes for first-time homebuyers. We cut taxes for parents trying to care for their children. We cut taxes for 8 million Americans paying for college.

I thought I'd get some applause on that one.

As a result, millions of Americans had more to spend on gas and food and other necessities, all of which helped businesses keep more workers. And we haven't raised income taxes by a single dime on a single person. Not a single dime.

Because of the steps we took, there are about two million Americans working right now who would otherwise be unemployed. Two hundred thousand work in construction and clean energy; 300,000 are teachers and other education workers. Tens of thousands are cops, firefighters, correctional officers, first responders. And we're on track to add another one and a half million jobs to this total by the end of the year.

The plan that has made all of this possible, from the tax cuts to the jobs, is the Recovery Act. That's right—the Recovery Act, also known as the stimulus bill. Economists on the left and the right say this bill has helped save jobs and avert disaster. But you don't have to take their word for it.

Talk to the small business in Phoenix that will triple its workforce because of the Recovery Act. Talk to the window manufacturer in Philadelphia who said he used to be skeptical about the Recovery Act, until he had to add two more work shifts just because of the business it created. Talk to the single teacher raising two kids who was told by her principal in the last week of school that because of the Recovery Act, she wouldn't be laid off after all.

There are stories like this all across America. And after two years of recession, the economy is growing again. Retirement funds have started to gain back some of their value. Businesses are beginning to invest again, and slowly some are starting to hire again.

But I realize that for every success story, there are other stories, of men and women who wake up with the anguish of not knowing where their next paycheck will come from; who send out resumes week after week and hear nothing in response. That is why jobs must be our number-one focus in 2010, and that's why I'm calling for a new jobs bill tonight.

Now, the true engine of job creation in this country will always be America's businesses. But government can create the conditions necessary for businesses to expand and hire more workers.

We should start where most new jobs do—in small businesses, companies that begin when—companies that begin when an entrepreneur—when an entrepreneur takes a chance on a dream, or a worker decides it's time she became her own boss. Through sheer grit and determination, these companies have weathered the recession and they're ready to grow. But when you talk to small businessowners in places like Allentown, Pennsylvania, or Elyria, Ohio, you find out that even though banks on Wall Street are lending again, they're mostly lending to bigger companies. Financing remains difficult for small businessowners across the country, even those that are making a profit.

So tonight, I'm proposing that we take $30 billion of the money Wall Street banks have repaid and use it to help community banks give small businesses the credit they need to stay afloat. I'm also proposing a new small business tax credit—one that will go to over one million small businesses who hire new workers or raise wages. While we're at it, let's also eliminate all capital gains taxes on small business investment, and provide a tax incentive for all large businesses and all small businesses to invest in new plants and equipment.

Next, we can put Americans to work today building the infrastructure of tomorrow. From the first railroads to the Interstate Highway System, our nation has always been built to compete. There's no reason Europe or China should have the fastest trains, or the new factories that manufacture clean energy products.

Tomorrow, I'll visit Tampa, Florida, where workers will soon break ground on a new high-speed railroad funded by the Recovery Act. There are projects like that all across this country that will create jobs and help move our nation's goods, services, and information.

We should put more Americans to work building clean energy facilities and give rebates to Americans who make their homes more energy-efficient, which supports clean energy jobs. And to encourage these and other businesses to stay within our borders, it is time to finally slash the tax breaks for companies that ship our jobs overseas, and give those tax breaks to companies that create jobs right here in the United States of America.

Now, the House has passed a jobs bill that includes some of these steps. As the first order of business this year, I urge the Senate to do the same, and I know they will. They will. People are out of work. They're hurting. They need our help. And I want a jobs bill on my desk without delay.

But the truth is, these steps won't make up for the seven million jobs that we've lost over the last two years. The only way to move to full employment is to lay a new foundation for long-term economic growth, and finally address the problems that America's families have confronted for years. We can't afford another so-called economic "expansion" like the one from the last decade—what some call the "lost decade"—where jobs grew more slowly than during any prior expansion; where the income of the average American household declined while the cost of health care and tuition reached record highs; where prosperity was built on a housing bubble and financial speculation.

From the day I took office, I've been told that addressing our larger challenges is too ambitious; such an effort would be too contentious. I've been told that our political system is too gridlocked, and that we should just put things on hold for a while. For those who make these claims, I have one simple question: How long should we wait? How long should America put its future on hold?

You see, Washington has been telling us to wait for decades, even as the problems have grown worse. Meanwhile, China is not waiting to revamp its economy. Germany is not waiting. India is not waiting. These nations—they're not standing still. These nations aren't playing for second place. They're putting more emphasis on math and science. They're rebuilding their infrastructure. They're making serious investments in clean energy because they want those jobs.

Well, I do not accept second place for the United States of America.

As hard as it may be, as uncomfortable and contentious as the debates may become, it's time to get serious about fixing the problems that are hampering our growth.

Now, one place to start is serious financial reform. Look, I am not interested in punishing banks. I'm interested in protecting our economy. A strong, healthy financial market makes it possible for businesses to access credit and create new jobs. It channels the savings of families into investments that raise incomes. But that can only happen if we guard against the same recklessness that nearly brought down our entire economy.

We need to make sure consumers and middle-class families have the information they need to make financial decisions. We can't allow financial institutions, including those that take your deposits, to take risks that threaten the whole economy.

Now, the House has already passed financial reform with many of these changes. And the lobbyists are trying to kill it. But we cannot let them win this fight. And if the bill that ends up on my desk does not meet the test of real reform, I will send it back until we get it right. We've got to get it right.

Next, we need to encourage American innovation. Last year, we made the largest investment in basic research funding in history—an investment that could lead to the world's cheapest solar cells or treatment that kills cancer cells but leaves healthy ones untouched. And no area is more ripe for such innovation than energy. You can see the results of last year's investments in clean energy—in the North Carolina company that will create 1,200 jobs nationwide helping to make advanced batteries; or in the California business that will put a thousand people to work making solar panels.

But to create more of these clean energy jobs, we need more production, more efficiency, more incentives. And that means building a new generation of safe, clean nuclear power plants in this country. It means making tough decisions about opening new offshore areas for oil and gas development. It means continued investment in advanced biofuels and clean coal technologies. And, yes, it means passing a comprehensive energy and climate bill with incentives that will finally make clean energy the profitable kind of energy in America.

I am grateful to the House for passing such a bill last year. And this year I'm eager to help advance the bipartisan effort in the Senate.

I know there have been questions about whether we can afford such changes in a tough economy. I know that there are those who disagree with the overwhelming scientific evidence on climate change. But here's the thing—even if you doubt the evidence, providing incentives for energy-efficiency and clean energy are the right thing to do for our future—because the nation that leads the clean energy economy will be the nation that leads the global economy. And America must be that nation.

Third, we need to export more of our goods. Because the more products we make and sell to other countries, the more jobs we support right here in America. So tonight, we set a new goal: We will double our exports over the next five years, an increase that will support two million jobs in America. To help meet this goal, we're launching a National Export Initiative that will help farmers and small businesses increase their exports, and reform export controls consistent with national security.

We have to seek new markets aggressively, just as our competitors are. If America sits on the sidelines while other nations sign trade deals, we will lose the chance to create jobs on our shores. But realizing those benefits also means enforcing those agreements so our trading partners play by the rules. And that's why we'll continue to shape a Doha trade agreement that opens global markets, and why we will strengthen our trade relations in Asia and with key partners like South Korea and Panama and Colombia.

Fourth, we need to invest in the skills and education of our people. Now, this year, we've broken through the stalemate between left and right by launching a national competition to improve our schools. And the idea here is simple: Instead of rewarding failure, we only reward success. Instead of funding the status quo, we only invest in reform—reform that raises student achievement; inspires students to excel in math and science; and turns around failing schools that steal the future of too many young Americans, from rural communities to the inner city. In the 21st century, the best anti-poverty program around is a world-class education. And in this country, the success of our children cannot depend more on where they live than on their potential.

When we renew the Elementary and Secondary Education Act, we will work with Congress to expand these reforms to all 50 states. Still, in this economy, a high school diploma no longer guarantees a good job. That's why I urge the Senate to follow the House and pass a bill that will revitalize our community colleges, which are a career pathway to the children of so many working families.

To make college more affordable, this bill will finally end the unwarranted taxpayer subsidies that go to banks for student loans. Instead, let's take that money and give families a $10,000 tax credit for four years of college and increase Pell Grants. And let's tell another one million students that when they graduate, they will be required to pay only 10 percent of their income on student loans, and all of their debt will be forgiven after 20 years—and forgiven after 10 years if they choose a career in public service, because in the United States of America, no one should go broke because they chose to go to college. And by the way, it's time for colleges and universities to get serious about cutting their own costs—because they, too, have a responsibility to help solve this problem.

Now, the price of college tuition is just one of the burdens facing the middle class. That's why last year I asked Vice President Biden to chair a task force on middle-class families. That's why we're nearly doubling the child care tax credit, and making it easier to save for retirement by giving access to every worker a retirement account and expanding the tax credit for those who start a nest egg. That's why we're working to lift the value of a family's single largest investment—their home. The steps we took last year to shore up the housing market have allowed millions of Americans to take out new loans and save an average of $1,500 on mortgage payments. This year, we will step up refinancing so that homeowners can move into more affordable mortgages.

And it is precisely to relieve the burden on middle-class families that we still need health insurance reform. Yes, we do. Now, let's clear a few things up. I didn't choose to tackle this issue to get some legislative victory under my belt. And by now it should be fairly obvious that I didn't take on health care because it was good politics. I took on health care because of the stories I've heard from Americans with preexisting conditions whose lives depend on getting coverage; patients who've been denied coverage; families—even those with insurance—who are just one illness away from financial ruin.

After nearly a century of trying—Democratic administrations, Republican administrations—we are closer than ever to bringing more security to the lives of so many Americans. The approach we've taken would protect every American from the worst practices of the insurance industry. It would give small businesses and uninsured Americans a chance to choose an affordable health care plan in a competitive market. It would require every insurance plan to cover preventive care.

And by the way, I want to acknowledge our First Lady, Michelle Obama, who this year is creating a national movement to tackle the epidemic of childhood obesity and make kids healthier. Thank you. She gets embarrassed.

Our approach would preserve the right of Americans who have insurance to keep their doctor and their plan. It would reduce costs and premiums for millions of families and businesses. And according to the Congressional Budget Office—the independent organization that both parties have cited as the official scorekeeper for Congress—our approach would bring down the deficit by as much as $1 trillion over the next two decades.

Still, this is a complex issue, and the longer it was debated, the more skeptical people became. I take my share of the blame for not explaining it more clearly to the American people. And I know that with all the lobbying and horse-trading, the process left most Americans wondering, "What's in it for me?"

But I also know this problem is not going away. By the time I'm finished speaking tonight, more Americans will have lost their health insurance. Millions will lose it this year. Our deficit will grow. Premiums will go up. Patients will be denied the care they need. Small business owners will continue to drop coverage altogether. I will not walk away from these Americans, and neither should the people in this chamber.

So, as temperatures cool, I want everyone to take another look at the plan we've proposed. There's a reason why many doctors, nurses, and health care experts who know our system best consider this approach a vast improvement over the status quo. But if anyone from either party has a better approach that will bring down premiums, bring down the deficit, cover the uninsured, strengthen Medicare for seniors, and stop insurance company abuses, let me know. Let me know. Let me know. I'm eager to see it.

Here's what I ask Congress, though: Don't walk away from reform. Not now. Not when we are so close. Let us find a way to come together and finish the job for the American people. Let's get it done. Let's get it done.

Now, even as health care reform would reduce our deficit, it's not enough to dig us out of a massive fiscal hole in which we find ourselves. It's a challenge that makes all others that much harder to solve, and one that's been subject to a lot of political posturing. So let me start the discussion of government spending by setting the record straight.

At the beginning of the last decade, the year 2000, America had a budget surplus of over $200 billion. By the time I took office, we had a one-year deficit of over $1 trillion and projected deficits of $8 trillion over the next decade. Most of this was the result of not paying for two wars, two tax cuts, and an expensive prescription drug program. On top of that, the effects of the recession put a $3 trillion hole in our budget. All this was before I walked in the door.

Now—just stating the facts. Now, if we had taken office in ordinary times, I would have liked nothing more than to start bringing down the deficit. But we took office amid a crisis. And our efforts to prevent a second depression have added another $1 trillion to our national debt. That, too, is a fact. I'm absolutely convinced that was the right thing to do. But families across the country are tightening their belts and making tough decisions. The federal government should do the same. So tonight, I'm proposing specific steps to pay for the trillion dollars that it took to rescue the economy last year.

Starting in 2011, we are prepared to freeze government spending for three years. Spending related to our national security, Medicare, Medicaid, and Social Security will not be affected. But all other discretionary government programs will. Like any cash-strapped family, we will work within a budget to invest in what we need and sacrifice what we don't. And if I have to enforce this discipline by veto, I will. We will continue to go through the budget, line by line, page by page, to eliminate programs that we can't afford and don't work. We've already identified $20 billion in savings for next year. To help working families, we'll extend our middle-class tax cuts. But at a time of record deficits, we will not continue tax cuts for oil companies, for investment fund managers, and for those making over $250,000 a year. We just can't afford it.

Now, even after paying for what we spent on my watch, we'll still face the massive deficit we had when I took office. More importantly, the cost of Medicare, Medicaid, and Social Security will continue to skyrocket. That's why I've called for a bipartisan fiscal commission, modeled on a proposal by Republican Judd Gregg and Democrat Kent Conrad. This can't be one of those Washington gimmicks that lets us pretend we solved a problem. The commission will have to provide a specific set of solutions by a certain deadline.

Now, yesterday, the Senate blocked a bill that would have created this commission. So I'll issue an executive order that will allow us to go forward, because I refuse to pass this problem on to another generation of Americans. And when the vote comes tomorrow, the Senate should restore the pay-as-you-go law that was a big reason for why we had record surpluses in the 1990s.

Now, I know that some in my own party will argue that we can't address the deficit or freeze government spending when so many are still hurting. And I agree—which is why this freeze won't take effect until next year—when the economy is stronger. That's how budgeting works. But understand—understand if we don't take meaningful steps to rein in our debt, it could damage our markets, increase the cost of borrowing, and jeopardize our recovery—all of which would have an even worse effect on our job growth and family incomes.

From some on the right, I expect we'll hear a different argument—that if we just make fewer investments in our people, extend tax cuts including those for the wealthier Americans, eliminate more regulations, maintain the status quo on health care, our deficits will go away. The problem is that's what we did for eight years. That's what helped us into this crisis. It's what helped lead to these deficits. We can't do it again. Rather than fight the same tired battles that have dominated Washington for decades, it's time to try something new. Let's invest in our people without leaving them a mountain of debt. Let's meet our responsibility to the citizens who sent us here. Let's try common sense. (Laughter.) A novel concept.

To do that, we have to recognize that we face more than a deficit of dollars right now. We face a deficit of trust—deep and corrosive doubts about how Washington works that have been growing for years. To close that credibility gap we have to take action on both ends of Pennsylvania Avenue—to end the outsized influence of lobbyists; to do our work openly; to give our people the government they deserve.

That's what I came to Washington to do. That's why—for the first time in history—my administration posts on our White House visitors online. That's why we've excluded lobbyists from policymaking jobs, or seats on federal boards and commissions. But we can't stop there. It's time to require lobbyists to disclose each contact they make on behalf of a client with my administration or with Congress. It's time to put strict limits on the contributions that lobbyists give to candidates for federal office.

With all due deference to separation of powers, last week the Supreme Court reversed a century of law that I believe will open the floodgates for special interests—including foreign corporations—to spend without limit in our elections. I don't think American elections should be bankrolled by America's most powerful interests, or worse, by foreign entities. They should be decided by the American people. And I'd urge Democrats and Republicans to pass a bill that helps to correct some of these problems.

I'm also calling on Congress to continue down the path of earmark reform. Democrats and Republicans. Democrats and Republicans. You've trimmed some of this spending, you've embraced some meaningful change. But restoring the public trust demands more. For example, some members of Congress post some earmark requests online. Tonight, I'm calling on Congress to publish all earmark requests on a single Web site before there's a vote, so that the American people can see how their money is being spent.

Of course, none of these reforms will even happen if we don't also reform how we work with one another.

Now, I'm not naïve. I never thought that the mere fact of my election would usher in peace and harmony—and some post-partisan era. I knew that both parties have fed divisions that are deeply entrenched. And on some issues, there are simply philosophical differences that will always cause us to part ways. These disagreements, about the role of government in our lives, about our national priorities and our national security, they've been taking place for over 200 years. They're the very essence of our democracy.

But what frustrates the American people is a Washington where every day is Election Day. We can't wage a perpetual campaign where the only goal is to see who can get the most embarrassing headlines about the other side—a belief that if you lose, I win. Neither party should delay or obstruct every single bill just because they can. The confirmation of—I'm speaking to both parties now. The confirmation of well-qualified public servants shouldn't be held hostage to the pet projects or grudges of a few individual senators.

Washington may think that saying anything about the other side, no matter how false, no matter how malicious, is just part of the game. But it's precisely such politics that has stopped either party from helping the American people. Worse yet, it's sowing further division among our citizens, further distrust in our government. So, no, I will not give up on trying to change the tone of our politics. I know it's an election year. And after last week, it's clear that campaign fever has come even earlier than usual. But we still need to govern.

To Democrats, I would remind you that we still have the largest majority in decades, and the people expect us to solve problems, not run for the hills. And if the Republican leadership is going to insist that 60 votes in the Senate are required to do any business at all in this town—a supermajority—then the responsibility to govern is now yours as well. Just saying no to everything may be good short-term politics, but it's not leadership. We were sent here to serve our citizens, not our ambitions. So let's show the American people that we can do it together. This week, I'll be addressing a meeting of the House Republicans. I'd like to begin monthly meetings with both Democratic and Republican leadership. I know you can't wait.

Throughout our history, no issue has united this country more than our security. Sadly, some of the unity we felt after 9/11 has dissipated. We can argue all we want about who's to blame for this, but I'm not interested in re-litigating the past. I know that all of us love this country. All of us are committed to its defense. So let's put aside the schoolyard taunts about who's tough. Let's reject the false choice between protecting our people and upholding our values. Let's leave behind the fear and division, and do what it takes to defend our nation and forge a more hopeful future—for America and for the world.

That's the work we began last year. Since the day I took office, we've renewed our focus on the terrorists who threaten our nation. We've made substantial investments in our homeland security and disrupted plots that threatened to take American lives. We are filling unacceptable gaps revealed by the failed Christmas attack, with better airline security and swifter action on our intelligence. We've prohibited torture and strengthened partnerships from the Pacific to South Asia to the Arabian Peninsula. And in the last year, hundreds of al Qaeda's fighters and affiliates, including many senior leaders, have been captured or killed—far more than in 2008.

And in Afghanistan, we're increasing our troops and training Afghan security forces so they can begin to take the lead in July of 2011, and our troops can begin to come home. We will reward good governance, work to reduce corruption, and support the rights of all Afghans—men and women alike. We're joined by allies and partners who have increased their own commitments, and who will come together tomorrow in London to reaffirm our common purpose. There will be difficult days ahead. But I am absolutely confident we will succeed.

As we take the fight to al Qaeda, we are responsibly leaving Iraq to its people. As a candidate, I promised that I would end this war, and that is what I am doing as President. We will have all of our combat troops out of Iraq by the end of this August. We will support the Iraqi government—we will support the Iraqi government as they hold elections, and we will continue to partner with the Iraqi people to promote regional peace and prosperity. But make no mistake: This war is ending, and all of our troops are coming home.

Tonight, all of our men and women in uniform—in Iraq, in Afghanistan, and around the world—they have to know that we—that they have our respect, our gratitude, our full support. And just as they must have the resources they need in war, we all have a responsibility to support them when they come home. That's why we made the largest increase in investments for veterans in decades—last year. That's why we're building a 21st century VA. And that's why Michelle has joined with Jill Biden to forge a national commitment to support military families.

Now, even as we prosecute two wars, we're also confronting perhaps the greatest danger to the American people—the threat of nuclear weapons. I've embraced the vision of John F. Kennedy and Ronald Reagan through a strategy that reverses the spread of these weapons and seeks a world without them. To reduce our stockpiles and launchers, while ensuring our deterrent, the United States and Russia are completing negotiations on the farthest-reaching arms control treaty in nearly two decades. And at April's Nuclear Security Summit, we will bring 44 nations together here in Washington, D.C. behind a clear goal: securing all vulnerable nuclear materials around the world in four years, so that they never fall into the hands of terrorists.

Now, these diplomatic efforts have also strengthened our hand in dealing with those nations that insist on violating international agreements in pursuit of nuclear weapons. That's why North Korea now faces increased isolation, and stronger sanctions—sanctions that are being vigorously enforced. That's why the international community is more united.

That's the leadership that we are providing—engagement that advances the common security and prosperity of all people. We're working through the G20 to sustain a lasting global recovery. We're working with Muslim communities around the world to promote science and education and innovation. We have gone from a bystander to a leader in the fight against climate change. We're helping developing countries to feed themselves, and continuing the fight against HIV/AIDS. And we are launching a new initiative that will give us the capacity to respond faster and more effectively to bioterrorism or an infectious disease—a plan that will counter threats at home and strengthen public health abroad.

As we have for over 60 years, America takes these actions because our destiny is connected to those beyond our shores. But we also do it because it is right. That's why, as we meet here tonight, over 10,000 Americans are working with many nations to help the people of Haiti recover and rebuild. That's why we stand with the girl who yearns to go to school in Afghanistan; why we support the human rights of the women marching through the streets of Iran; why we advocate for the young man denied a job by corruption in Guinea. For America must always stand on the side of freedom and human dignity. Always.

Abroad, America's greatest source of strength has always been our ideals. The same is true at home. We find unity in our incredible diversity, drawing on the promise enshrined in our Constitution: the notion that we're all created equal; that no matter who you are or what you look like, if you abide by the law you should be protected by it; if you adhere to our common values you should be treated no different than anyone else.

We must continually renew this promise. My administration has a Civil Rights Division that is once again prosecuting civil rights violations and employment discrimination. We finally strengthened our laws to protect against crimes driven by hate. This year, I will work with Congress and our military to finally repeal the law that denies gay Americans the right to serve the country they love because of who they are. It's the right thing to do.

We're going to crack down on violations of equal pay laws—so that women get equal pay for an equal day's work. And we should continue the work of fixing our broken immigration system—to secure our borders and enforce our laws, and ensure that everyone who plays by the rules can contribute to our economy and enrich our nation.

In the end, it's our ideals, our values that built America—values that allowed us to forge a nation made up of immigrants from every corner of the globe; values that drive our citizens still. Every day, Americans meet their responsibilities to their families and their employers. Time and again, they lend a hand to their neighbors and give back to their country. They take pride in their labor, and are generous in spirit. These aren't Republican values or Democratic values that they're living by; business values or labor values. They're American values.

Unfortunately, too many of our citizens have lost faith that our biggest institutions—our corporations, our media, and, yes, our government—still reflect these same values. Each of these institutions are full of honorable men and women doing important work that helps our country prosper. But each time a CEO rewards himself for failure, or a banker puts the rest of us at risk for his own selfish gain, people's doubts grow. Each time lobbyists game the system or politicians tear each other down instead of lifting this country up, we lose faith. The more that TV pundits reduce serious debates to silly arguments, big issues into sound bites, our citizens turn away. No wonder there's so much cynicism out there. No wonder there's so much disappointment.

I campaigned on the promise of change—change we can believe in, the slogan went. And right now, I know there are many Americans who aren't sure if they still believe we can change—or that I can deliver it. But remember this—I never suggested that change would be easy, or that I could do it alone. Democracy in a nation of 300 million people can be noisy and messy and complicated. And when you try to do big things and make big changes, it stirs passions and controversy. That's just how it is.

Those of us in public office can respond to this reality by playing it safe and avoid telling hard truths and pointing fingers. We can do what's necessary to keep our poll numbers high, and get through the next election instead of doing what's best for the next generation. But I also know this: If people had made that decision 50 years ago, or 100 years ago, or 200 years ago, we wouldn't be here tonight. The only reason we are here is because generations of Americans were unafraid to do what was hard; to do what was needed even when success was uncertain; to do what it took to keep the dream of this nation alive for their children and their grandchildren.

Our administration has had some political setbacks this year, and some of them were deserved. But I wake up every day knowing that they are nothing compared to the setbacks that families all across this country have faced this year. And what keeps me going—what keeps me fighting—is that despite all these setbacks, that spirit of determination and optimism, that fundamental decency that has always been at the core of the American people, that lives on.

It lives on in the struggling small business owner who wrote to me of his company, "None of us," he said, "...are willing to consider, even slightly, that we might fail."

It lives on in the woman who said that even though she and her neighbors have felt the pain of recession, "We are strong. We are resilient. We are American."

It lives on in the 8-year-old boy in Louisiana, who just sent me his allowance and asked if I would give it to the people of Haiti.

And it lives on in all the Americans who've dropped everything to go someplace they've never been and pull people they've never known from the rubble, prompting chants of "U.S.A.! U.S.A.! U.S.A!" when another life was saved.

The spirit that has sustained this nation for more than two centuries lives on in you, its people.

We have finished a difficult year. We have come through a difficult decade. But a new year has come. A new decade stretches before us. We don't quit. I don't quit. Let's seize this moment—to start anew, to carry the dream forward, and to strengthen our union once more.

Thank you. God bless you. And God bless the United States of America.

议长女士、副总统拜登、美国国会议员、各位来宾、美国同胞：

我国宪法规定，总统应当不时地向国会提供有关国情的信息。220年来，我们的领导人一直履行这一职责。在繁荣与安宁的时期，他们这样做了。在战争和经济萧条中，在严重动乱和伟大斗争的时刻，他们也这样做了。

一种想法是具有诱惑力的，就是回顾这些时刻，以为我们的进步是不可避免的——以为美国总是注定要成功。但是，当北方联邦军在布尔朗战役中被击溃，当盟军第一次在奥马哈海滩登陆，胜利是有很大疑问的。

当黑色星期二市场崩溃，当血腥的星期日民权示威者被殴打，前途绝非是确定无疑的。这些时候考验了我们的信念与勇气和我们合众国的力量。尽管我们存在着种种分歧与不同意见、犹豫不决和恐惧，但美国胜利了，因为我们选择了团结一起，作为一个国家，作为一国人民向前迈进。

现在，我们再次接受考验。我们必须再次响应历史的召唤。

一年前我就职，当时两场战争正酣，还有一场严重的经济衰退，金融体系处于崩溃的边缘，政府债台高筑。来自各个政治派别的专家警告说，如果我们不采取行动，我们可能面临第二次经济萧条。因此，我们立即大刀阔斧地采取了行动。一年后，这场风暴的最严重阶段已经过去了，但破坏仍然存在。十个美国人当中仍有一个人无法找到工作，许多商家关门，住房价值下降，小城镇和农村社区受到的冲击尤其严重。而对于已经很贫穷的人们来说，生活变得困难得多。

经济衰退也加重了美国的家庭几十年来一直承担着的负担——更加努力地工作，工作时间也更长，但所得却更少，储蓄不足以退休或帮助上大学的子女。所以我知道民间目前存在的忧虑，这种担忧并不新鲜。这些问题是我竞选总统的理由，多年来在印第安纳州埃尔德哈特、伊利诺伊州盖尔斯堡，我目睹了这些困境。我在每天晚上读到的信件中听到他们的声音。最难以读下去的信件是孩子们写的，他们问为什么他们要离开自己的家，问他们的母亲或父亲何时可以重新上班。

对于这些美国人和许多其他人来说，已经发生的变革不够快。一些人感到沮丧，一些人感到愤怒。他们不明白，为什么似乎华尔街上的不良行为得到奖赏，而商业大街上的努力却没有，或者为何华盛顿一直无法或不愿解决我们的任何问题，他们对党派斗争、叫喊和卑鄙行为感到厌倦，他们知道我们承担不起这种负担，现在不行。

因此，我们面临着巨大的和棘手的挑战。美国人民所希望,也是他们所应看到的是我们大家，民主党人和共和党人消除分歧，克服我们的政治斗争所造成的令人麻木的重压。因为虽然把我们选到这里来的人民具有不同的背景、不同的故事、不同的信仰，但他们面临的忧虑是相同的。他们持有的愿望是共同的：一份能够付清账单的工作,有机会获得成功，最重要的是能够给子女以更好的生活。

大家知道他们还有哪些共同点吗?在逆境中，他们共有一种顽强的韧性。在我们历史上最困难的年份之一过后，他们仍忙于制造汽车和教育孩子，创办企业和回学校上学。他们担任少年棒球联盟的教练，帮助他们的邻居。一位妇女写信给我说：“我们很紧张但也抱有希望，疲于应付但很受鼓舞。”

正是因为这种精神——这种伟大的尊严和巨大的力量，我从来都没有像今晚这样对美国的前途寄予厚望。尽管我们遇到困难，但我们的合众国是强大的。我们不放弃，我们不退出。我们不允许恐惧和分裂破坏我们的精神。这个新的十年，美国人民应当获得符合他们的道德标准和体现出他们的力量的政府。

今晚，我想谈谈我们如何能够共同兑现这一诺言。

事情得从我们的经济说起。

我们就职后最紧迫的任务是巩固银行的实力，正是这些银行导致了这场危机。这是不容易做到的。如果有一件事使民主党人和共和党人，以及这两者之间的每个人团结起来，那就是我们都厌恶银行救助。我讨厌它，我讨厌它，大家讨厌它。它的受欢迎程度与治疗牙疼时的根管疗法差不多。但是，我竞选总统时，我答应我不会只是做受欢迎的事情，我会做必要的事情。如果我们听任金融系统陷于崩溃，失业率可能会比今天高一倍。更多的企业肯定已经倒闭，更多人的住宅肯定已经失去。

因此，我支持了上届政府制订金融救援方案的努力。我们接管这一方案后，使之更加透明和更加负责。因此，目前市场稳定，我们已经收回了花在银行身上的绝大部分资金。绝大部分，但不是全部。为了收回其余部分，我已经提出对最大的几家银行征收一笔费用。现在我知道，华尔街对这个想法并不热衷。但是，如果这些公司能够再次负担得起支付高额奖金，他们就可以负担有限的收费，以偿还纳税人在他们需要时解救他们所花的钱。

现在，在我们使金融体系趋于稳定时，我们还采取措施，使我们的经济恢复增长，保住尽可能多的就业机会，帮助失业的美国人。这就是为什么我们向超过一千八百万的美国人提供或增加了失业救济;对通过《统一综合预算协调法案》获得医疗保险的家庭，使其费用降低了65%;并通过了25项不同的减税措施。

现在，让我再次重申：我们降低了税赋。我们降低了95%的劳动家庭的税赋，我们降低了小企业的税赋，我们降低了首次购房税，我们降低了照顾子女的父母的税赋，我们降低了要为上大学花钱的八百万美国人的税赋。

我认为我会为此得到一些掌声。

因此，千百万美国人有更多的钱可以用于购买汽油、食物和其他生活必需品，所有这些都有助于企业保留更多的工人。我们并没有把任何人的所得税提高分文，没有提高分文。

由于我们采取的措施，大约有二百万目前就业的美国人本来会失业。二十万人就业于建筑业和清洁能源产业，三十万人是教师和其他教育工作者，几十万人是警察、消防队员、惩教人员、急救人员。按照预期，到今年年底，我们将在这一总数基础上再增加一百五十万个就业岗位。

令这一切——从减税到增加就业成为可能的计划就是《经济复苏法案》。没错复苏法，也被称为《刺激法案》。左右两派的经济学家都说，这项法案帮助挽救了就业，避免了灾难。但是，你不必听信他们的话。

与凤凰城由于《复兴法案》而职工队伍将会扩大两倍的小企业谈一谈，与费城的窗户制造商谈一谈。他说，他曾经对《复兴法案》持怀疑态度，一直到由于该法案所创造的生意，使他不得不增加了两个班次的工作。与抚养两个孩子的单身教师谈一谈，学年的最后一周，她的校长对她说，由于《复兴法案》她不会被解雇了。

在全美各地都有这样的故事。两年的衰退过后，经济再次出现增长。养老金基金已经开始恢复部分的价值，工商企业正在开始恢复投资，一些企业正在缓慢地开始重新雇工。

但是，我意识到对于每一个成功事例来说，还有几个事例说的是男男女女一觉醒来，痛苦地不知道自己下一次将会从哪里领工资，一周又一周地发送简历，却没有听到任何答复。这就是为什么2010年我们的头号工作重点必须是就业，这也是为什么我今晚呼吁通过一项新的就业法案。

现在，美国创造就业机会的真正动力源泉将始终都是美国的企业。但是，政府能够创造企业拓展业务和雇佣更多工人所必需的条件。

我们应当从大多数新的就业岗位开始的地方开始——在小企业中，这些公司的创业之初，企业家抱着一种梦想碰运气，或者一名职工决定现在是自己当自己的老板的时候了。凭着纯粹的勇气和决心，这些公司经受住了这场经济衰退，现在准备实现增长。但是，当你与宾夕法尼亚州阿伦敦或者俄亥俄州伊利里亚等地的小企业主交谈时，你会发现尽管华尔街上的银行重新开始放贷，但他们主要是向比较大的公司放贷。对全国各地的小企业主甚至盈利的小区业主来说，融资依然困难。

因此，今晚我建议我们从华尔街已经偿还的钱里面拿出300亿美元，用于帮助社区银行为小企业提供它们持续经营所需的信贷。我还建议实行一项新的小企业税收优惠，这项优惠将提供给雇佣新职工或者提高工资的小企业，这些企业超过一百万家。在进行这项工作的同时，我们还要取消对小企业投资征收的所有资本利得税，并为所有大企业和所有小企业提供一项税收鼓励措施，促使其投资于开办新的工厂和采购新的设备。

其次，我们今天还可以让美国人在修建基础设施方面找到工作。从最初的铁路到州际高速公路系统，我们的国家一直是为了在竞争中获胜而进行建设的。没有任何理由只有欧洲或者中国应当拥有最快的列车，或者制造清洁能源产品的新工厂。

明天我将访问佛罗里达州的坦帕市。那里的工人很快就会破土动工，修筑《经济复苏法案》提供资助的一条新的高速铁路。全国各地都有类似的项目。这些项目将创造就业机会，帮助运输和传递我国的商品、劳务与信息。

我们应当让更多的美国人在修建清洁能源设施方面找到工作，并向提高自己的住宅的能源效率的美国人提供退税，因为这支撑着清洁能源领域中的就业机会。为了鼓励这些企业以及其他企业留在我国境内，现在要向把我们的就业岗位转移到海外的公司提供税收减免，把这种减免提供给在美国境内创造就业机会的公司。

现在，众议院已经通过了一项就业法案，其中包括了这些措施当中的一些。作为今年要办的头一件事，我敦促参议院也这样做。我知道他们会这样做的，他们会的。人们失去了工作，他们忍受着伤害，他们需要我们的帮助。我希望尽快地获得一项有关就业的提案。

但事情的真相是，这些举措不会弥补我们最近两年来所失去的700万个就业岗位。实现充分就业的唯一途径就是为经济的长期增长奠定新的基础，最终解决美国的家庭多年来所面临的问题。我们无法承受代价，迎接像最近十年来那样的一场新的所谓的经济“扩展”，一些人称之为“损失的十年”。在此期间，就业岗位的增加速度要比任何从前的经济扩展期间都缓慢，美国家庭的平均收入下降，医疗保健费用和学费达到了创纪录的高点，经济繁荣建立在一场住房建筑泡沫与金融投机基础上。

从我就职那天起我就被告知，应付我们的重大挑战过于雄心勃勃，这种努力会引起太大的争议。我一直被告知，我们的政治制度陷入僵局，因此我们应当暂时把问题搁置起来。对做出这种论断的人们，我有一个简单的问题：我们应当等待多久?美国应当把自己的前途搁置多久?

大家知道，华盛顿几十年来一直要求我们等待，尽管问题日益恶化。与此同时，中国并没有为重振经济而等待，德国没有等待，印度没有等待。这些国家都没有停滞不前。这些国家没有争当第二名，他们更加重视数学与科学。他们翻修了基础设施，他们在清洁能源方面进行了重大投资，因为他们想要获得这些就业机会。

好了，我不接受美国沦为第二名。

尽管工作可能会很棘手，辩论可能会令人不快和有争议，但现在是采取认真的态度，解决阻碍我们的经济增长的种种问题的时候了。

一个起步的地方就是实行重大的金融改革。我对惩罚银行不感兴趣，我感兴趣的是保护我们的经济。一个强有力的、健康的金融市场可以使企业获得信贷和创造新的就业机会。它引导家庭的储蓄成为提高收入的投资项目。但是，只有在我们对几乎使我们的整个经济陷于崩溃的那种鲁莽加以防范的情况下，这一目标才能达到。

我们需要确保消费者和中产阶级家庭掌握他们做出理财决策所需的信息。我们不能任凭金融机构，包括接受大家的存款的机构承担威胁到经济整体的风险。

众议院已经通过了包括许多这方面的变革在内的金融改革。游说分子正在千方百计地扼杀这项改革，但是我们不能让他们赢得这场战斗。如果最终提交给我的这项法案经受不住真正改革的考验，我将把它驳回，直到我们把工作做好。我们必须把工作做好。

其次，我们还需要鼓励美国的创新。去年，我们进行了基础研究拨款方面有史以来最大规模的投资，这项投资可能会带来世界上最廉价的太阳能电池，或者杀死癌细胞但却使健康细胞完好无损的疗法。在这种创新方面最成熟的领域非能源领域莫属。大家可以看到，去年在清洁能源方面投资所取得的成果将体现在给全国范围创造一千两百个就业岗位，从而帮助制造先进的蓄电池的一家北卡罗来纳公司，或者将使一千人在制造太阳能电池板方面找到工作的一家加利福尼亚企业之中。

但是，为了创造更多的这种清洁能源就业岗位，我们需要增加产量，提高效率，提供更多的鼓励措施。这意味着要在美国建设新一代安全、洁净的核电厂。这意味着要就开辟用于开采石油和天然气的新的近海海域问题做出棘手的决策。这意味着要继续在先进的生物燃料和清洁煤技术方面投资。是的，这还意味着要通过一项全面的能源和气候法案，包括最终会使清洁能源在美国成为有利可图的能源的鼓励措施。

我很感激众议院去年通过了这样一项法案。今年，我热切希望帮助参议院推进两党一致的这项努力。

我知道，在我们能否在经济困难下实施这种改革一直存在着争议。我知道，有一些人不同意在气候变化问题上的占压倒优势的科学证据。但这一点很重要——即使你怀疑这些证据，我们今后应当做的事情也是为提高能源效率和提供清洁能源提供鼓励措施，因为领导着清洁能源经济的国家将是领导全球经济的国家。美国必须成为这个国家。

第三，我们需要出口更多的商品。因为我们制造的和向别国出售的产品越多，我们在美国国内支撑的就业岗位也就越多。因此今晚，我们确定一个新的目标：我们将在今后五年内使出口翻一番。这一增长将会支持美国境内的二百万个就业岗位。为了帮助实现这一目标，我们即将启动一项全国范围的出口计划。这项计划将帮助农场主和小企业增加出口，并改革出口管制措施，使之与国家安全相符。

我们必须像竞争对手一样，大力谋求获得新的市场。如果在别国签订贸易协议的时候美国袖手旁观，我们就会失去在本国国内创造就业岗位的机会。但是，实现这些利益也意味着要加强这些协议，以便我们的贸易伙伴按照规则行事。这就是为什么，我们将继续影响签订一项开辟全球市场的多哈回合贸易协定。这也是为什么，我们将加强我们在亚洲的贸易关系以及同韩国、巴拿马和哥伦比亚等重要的伙伴国之间的贸易关系。

第四，我们需要在我国人民的技能和教育方面投资。今年，我们启动了一场全国性的竞争，以改善我们的学校，从而打破了左右两派之间的僵局。这里的想法很简单：我们不是奖励失败，而是只奖励成功。我们不是为维持现状拨款，而是只投资于改革——这种改革使得学生的学习成绩提高，激励学生们在数学与科学方面取得出类拔萃的成绩。使失败的、毁掉过多的年轻美国人前途的学校发生转变，这种情况从农村社区到市中心地带都有。在二十一世纪，最出色的消除贫困计划就是提供世界级的教育。在美国，孩子们能否成功不应取决于他们住在哪里，而应是他们的潜力。

当我们修订《小学和中学教育法》的时候，我们将与国会共同努力，以便把这些改革扩展到所有五十个州。尽管如此，在美国经济中，高中文凭不再能够保障获得一份好工作。这就是为什么，我敦促参议院像议众院一样，通过一项法案，重振我们的社区学院，因为这些学院为如此多的劳动家庭的孩子们提供了就业渠道。

为了使人们更加能够上得起大学，这项法案最终将取消对纳税人提供的使之到银行领取学生贷款的毫无保障的补贴。我们而是要把这笔钱拿来，向家庭提供1万美元的税收优惠，以便完成四年的大学学业和增加佩尔助学金。我们要再让一百万名学生在毕业时知道，他们只需支付自己收入的10%用于偿还学生贷款，他们的全部债务都将在二十年以后一笔勾销，而如果他们选择在政府就业，就会在十年后一笔勾销。因为在美国，没有人应当由于选择上大学而变得一贫如洗。顺便提一下，现在是高等院校认真考虑降低自己费用的时候了，因为他们也有责任帮助解决这一问题。

大学学费的要价问题仅仅是摆在中产阶级面前的负担之一。这就是为什么，我去年请求副总统拜登领导一个有关中产阶级家庭问题的专门委员会。这就是为什么，我们使有关儿童护理的税收优惠几乎翻一番，并向每个工人提供开设退休账户的机会，并增加对开始攒钱的人们的税收优惠，从而使人们更加容易进行储蓄，以便为退休生活做好准备。这就是为什么，我们正在努力提升家庭最大的一项投资，即住宅的价值。我们去年采取的巩固楼市的举措使千百万美国人得以获得新的贷款，并在抵押贷款偿还方面平均节省1500美元。今年，我们将加紧再融资，以使房主们能够获得具有更大偿还能力的抵押贷款。

恰恰是为了缓解中产阶级家庭的负担，我们才仍然需要实行医疗保险方面的改革。是的，我们就是如此。现在，我们要澄清一些事情。我之所以选择解决这一问题，并不是为了在立法方面稳操胜券。到目前为止应当很清楚的一点是，我之所以承担起解决医疗保健问题的职责，并不是因为这在政治上很有利。我承担起这一职责是因为我从一些美国人那里听到了一些故事，讲的是他们在申请医疗保险以前存在病情，而其生命取决于获得保险。我还听到一些被剥夺了保险的患者，只要得一次病就会穷困潦倒的故事，甚至具有保险的家庭也会因一场疾病破产的故事。

在进行了将近一个世纪的尝试之后——民主党与共和党的历届政府——我们比以往任何时候都更加接近于给如此多的美国人的生活带来更大的安全保障。我们所采取的策略将使每个美国人都获得保护，免遭保险业最恶劣的做法的侵害。它还会使小企业和没有保险的美国人获得机会，以便在竞争激烈的市场上选择自己支付得起的医疗保健计划。它还要求每项保险计划都为预防性医疗提供保险。

顺便提一下，我还希望向我们的第一夫人米歇尔奥巴马致谢。她今年即将创立一项全国性运动，以解决儿童肥胖病流行的问题，使儿童更加健康。

我们的做法将维护拥有保险的美国人接受治疗和保留医疗计划的权利。它将为数以百万计的家庭和公司减少费用和保险费。根据国会预算局——一个中立机构，两党都认为它是国会工作表现的官方记录者——的数字，我们的做法将使预算赤字在今后二十年里最多减少1万亿美元。

尽管如此，这仍是一个复杂的问题，对此辩论的时间越长，人们的怀疑就会越多。没有更加清楚地向美国人民解释，我要承担一部分责任。我知道，因为各种游说和讨价还价，这个过程让大多数美国人担心该计划最后还能给美国人带来什么。

但我还知道，这个问题并没有消失。到今晚我结束演讲的时候，将有更多美国人失去医疗保险，今年会有数以百万计的美国人失去医疗保险。我们的赤字会增加，保险费会上升。病人将得不到需要的医疗，小企业主将继续完全放弃医疗保险。我不会抛开这些美国人，在座的各位也不应抛弃这些美国人。

随着激烈情绪渐渐平息，我希望每个人重新考虑我们提出的计划。许多最了解我们体系的医生、护士和医疗问题专家都认为，这些措施将极大地改善现状，这是有原因的。但是不管哪个政党的什么人有更好的方案，能降低保险费、减少赤字、覆盖未投保者、加强老年人的医疗保险、并制止保险公司的不良做法，请告诉我。

不过，我要求国会做到下面这一点：不要回避改革。现在不能，因为我们已经接近完成这项工作。让我们想办法共同努力，为美国人完成这项工作。

虽然医疗改革可以削减赤字，但还不足以使我们摆脱我们陷入的严重的财政困境。这个难题使其他所有难题的解决更加困难，也受到很多政治因素的影响。

下面让我讨论一下政府开支，首先我要澄清事实。在上个十年开始时，美国有超过2000亿美元预算盈余。等到我就职的时候，我们每年的赤字超过1万亿美元，估计下一个十年的赤字将达到8万亿美元。主要原因是没有为两场战争、两次减税和昂贵的处方药计划支付费用。此外，这次衰退使我们的预算增加了3万亿美元的漏洞。这就是我来之前的情况。

如果是在平常时期就职，我最想做的就是削减赤字。但我们是在危机时期就职的，我们阻止第二次大萧条的行动又使我们的国债增加了1万亿美元。我完全相信这样做是正确的，但全国各地的家庭都在勒紧裤带，做出艰难的选择，联邦政府也应该这样。所以今晚，我将提出具体步骤来支付去年用以救助经济的1万亿美元。

从2011年开始，我们准备冻结政府开支三年。与我们的国家安全、老年医疗保险、医疗补助和社会保险相关的开支不会受影响。但是其他所有可自由决定的政府计划都会受到影响。像所有现金不够的家庭一样，我们将把预算控制在需要的范围内，放弃不需要的。如果不得不通过否决权实施这项制度，我会这样做。我们将继续逐条审查预算案，取消负担不起和没有用的计划，我们已经为明年节省了200亿美元。为帮助工薪家庭，我们将延长中产阶级税收优惠。但是在赤字达到最高点的时候，我们不会继续对石油公司、投资基金经理和年薪超过25万的人减税。我们承担不起。

现在，即便在支付了我任期内的开支以后，我们仍将面对在我就职时就已经存在的大量赤字。更重要的是，老年医疗保险、医疗补助和社会保险的费用将继续大幅上升。因此，我呼吁按照共和党人贾德格雷格和民主党人肯特康拉德的提议，设立一个由两党成员组成的财政委员会。这不可能是让我们假装已经解决了问题的华盛顿的花招之一。这个委员会必须在一定的期限之前提出一套具体的解决办法。

昨天，参议院阻挠了设立该委员会的议案。因此我将发布行政命令，使我们能继续向前推进，因为我不愿把这个问题留给下一代美国人。明天表决的时候，参议院应该恢复所得税预扣法，这是我们上世纪九十年代实现创纪录盈余的主要原因。

我知道，民主党的一些人会认为，在那么多人还在受苦的时候，我们不能解决赤字问题或冻结政府开支。我同意这一点，正因如此，我们将等到明年经济好转以后才实施冻结。但是要懂得这一点——如果我们不采取有目的的步骤控制债务，就可能损害我们的市场、增加借款成本并危害经济复苏——所有这些都会对就业机会的增加和家庭收入产生更坏的影响。

我估计一些右翼人士会有不同的观点，认为如果我们减少对人民的投资、延长对美国富人的减税措施、取消更多规定、保持医疗现状，我们的赤字就会消失。问题在于八年来我们都是这样做的，正是这种做法导致了这场危机，引起了这么多赤字。我们不能再这么做了。我们不应再继续充斥了华盛顿几十年的陈腐的战斗，现在是作出新尝试的时候了。让我们投资于我们的人民，不要留给他们一大堆债务。让我们承担起对投票支持我们的民众应该承担的责任。让我们尝试判断力。

为此，我们必须认识到我们面对的不只是赤字问题。我们面临的还有信任不足——多年来，对于华盛顿如何运转，深切而有害的怀疑不断增加。要重建信任我们必须在宾夕法尼亚大道的两端采取行动，结束院外活动集团成员的过多影响，公开政务，给予人民他们应该拥有的政府。

我来到华盛顿就是为了做到这一点。正因如此，政府有史以来第一次在网上公布白宫的参观者。正因如此，我们把院外活动集团成员排除在决策工作或各种联邦委员会之外。但我们不能就此止步。现在应该要求院外活动集团成员公开他们为了客户与政府或国会的所有接触，应该严格限制这些成员向联邦职务的候选人提供的捐款。

上周，最高法院废除了一项有百年历史的法律，为特殊利益集团包括外国公司不受限制地在我们的选举中花钱打开了闸门。我认为美国的选举不应由美国最强大的利益集团甚至是外国实体提供资金。它们应该由美国人民决定，这就是我敦促民主党人和共和党人通过一项议案来纠正这种错误的原因。

我还要求国会继续沿着“指定款项改革”的道路走下去。你们已经削减了部分开支，接受了一些有意义的改革。但是恢复公众的信任需要做更多，例如，一些议员要在网上公布部分指定款项要求。今晚，我呼吁国会设立单独的网站，在投票前公布所有指定款项要求，以便所有美国人都能看到他们的钱用在了哪里。

当然，如果我们不改变两党之间工作的方式，这些改革就无法实现。

我并不天真。我从未想过我当选的事实能带来和平、和谐，开创某种后党派时代。我知道，两党存在分歧，这种分歧是根深蒂固的。在一些问题上，理念上的分歧将使我们始终选择不同的道路。关于政府在我们生活中的作用、关于我们国家的优先事宜和我们的国家安全，这些分歧已经存在了两百多年。这是我们民主的本质。

但是让美国人民失望的是，如今在华盛顿似乎每天都是选举日。我们不能永久地置身于竞选运动中，唯一的目的就是让对手成为媒体最难堪的嘲弄的对象——抱着一种决出胜负的心态。任何一个政党都不应因为有能力就拖延或阻挠任何一项议案。合格公职人员的批准程序，不应被几名心怀不满的参议员为了自己偏爱的计划而当作要挟的条件。

在华盛顿人们也许认为，发表关于对方的任何评论，不管多么不正确，都只是游戏规则的一部分。但恰恰是这种政治状况使得两党都不能帮助美国人民，更糟糕的是它使我们民众产生更大分歧，并进一步加剧了民众对政府的不信任。所以，我不会停止改变我们的政治调子。我知道这是选举年。在上周以后，竞选热显然已经开始，比以往还早。但我们仍然需要治理国家。

我要提醒民主党人，我们仍然占据几十年来最大的多数，美国人民期待我们解决一些问题，而不是选择逃避。如果共和党领导层坚持说，做什么事情都需要在参议院得到60票，那么治理国家的责任也是你们的。否决一切从短期政治来看也许是好的，但这不是领导。我们来到这里是为了服务于人民，而不是满足自己的野心。所以，让我们向美国人民证明，我们可以共同努力。本周，我将在众议院共和党的会议上发表讲话。我希望开始与两党领导人举行月度会议。我知道你们不能等待。

纵观历史，最能让这个国家团结一致的莫过于安全问题。令人遗憾的是，在“9·11”事件以后出现的紧密团结已经逐渐消退。我们尽可以争论是谁的责任，但我不想纠缠于过去。我知道我们大家都热爱这个国家，我们都致力于保卫这个国家。所以，让我们停止互相嘲弄，不要在保护人民还是捍卫价值观之间作出错误的选择。让我们抛开恐惧和分歧，尽全力保卫我们的国家，开创更有希望的未来——为了美国也为了世界。

我们从去年就开始了这项工作。自从就职以来，我们重新开始关注威胁我们国家的恐怖分子。我们在国土安全方面投入了大量资金，瓦解了有可能夺走美国人生命的阴谋。我们正通过加强航班安全、加快情报工作的速度，来弥补圣诞未遂袭击事件暴露的不可接受的漏洞。我们已禁止酷刑，加强了与太平洋、南亚到阿拉伯半岛国家的伙伴关系。去年，成百上千名“基地”组织和分支机构成员包括许多高级领导人被抓获或消灭，比2008年多得多。

我们正向阿富汗增派兵力，训练阿富汗安全部队，使他们从2011年7月开始起带头作用，我们的军队可以开始回国。我们将奖励良好统治，打击腐败，支持所有阿富汗人——男性和女性的权益。我们的同盟和伙伴也加入了行动，他们已经各自加大承诺力度，并且明天将在伦敦召开会议重申我们的共同目标。今后还会有艰难的时刻，但我确信我们会成功。

我们还在抗击“基地”组织，同时我们正在负责地将伊拉克交还给他的人民。当我竞选总统时，我承诺我会结束这场战争，而这也是我身为总统正在做的。我们将会在今年8月底之前让所有的作战部队撤离伊拉克。我们将支持伊拉克政府举行选举，也将继续与伊拉克人民共同推动地区和平与繁荣。但不要怀疑：这场战争正在结束，我们的所有部队都要回家了。

今晚，我们所有穿着制服的军人，无论男女，无论他们身处伊拉克、阿富汗还是世界的其他地方都必须知道，我们尊敬、感谢并且全力支持他们。正如他们在战场上必须拥有足够的资源，我们有责任在他们回国后也给予他们支持。这就是为何我们加大了对退伍军人的投入，增长幅度是近几十年来最大的。这就是为何我们正在建设二十一世纪的退伍军人事务部。这就是为何米歇尔与吉尔拜登正在共同推动一项支持军人家庭的全国行动。

就在我们从事两场战争的同时，我们也面临着或许是对美国人民最大的威胁——核武器的威胁。我赞同约翰·F·肯尼迪和罗纳德·里根的远见，实施逆转这些武器扩散的战略，追求一个没有核武器的世界。为了削减我们核武器储备和发射装置，同时确保我们的威慑能力，美国和俄罗斯就一项近二十年来影响最深远的武器控制条约的谈判即将完成。在今年4月举行的核安全峰会上，我们将把44个国家聚集在一个清晰的目标下：在四年内确保全世界所有安全措施薄弱的核物质的安全，让它们永不落入恐怖分子之手。

这些外交努力还使我们能更有力地应对那些违反国际条约、执意发展核武器的国家。这就是为何朝鲜目前进一步受到孤立，并面临更严厉的制裁——制裁的执行力度很大。这就是为何国际社会更加团结。

这就是我们所贡献的领导力——通过各种接触推进所有民族的安全和繁荣。我们通过二十国集团保证全球复苏的持久性。我们与全球各地的穆斯林社会合作，推动科学、教育和创新。在抗击气候变化上，我们已从旁观者变为领导者。我们正在帮助发展中国家自给自足地养活人民，并继续从事艾滋病的防治。我们正在开展一项新的计划，使我们有能力更迅速、更有效地应对生物恐怖主义或传染性疾病。这一计划有助于应对国内威胁、加强全球公共卫生。

正如我们六十年来一直所做的，美国这么做是因为我们的命运与我们国家之外的人们是息息相关的，但我们这么做还因为这是对的。这就是为何，当我们今晚在这里聚首，有一万多美国人还在海地与许多国家一起帮助那里的人民恢复生产和重建。这就是为何，我们和阿富汗那个渴望读书的女孩站在一起，我们支持在街头游行示威要求人权的伊朗妇女，我们声援那个因国家腐败而找不到工作的几内亚年轻人。因为美国必须永远站在自由和个人尊严的一边。

在国际上，美国一直以来最大的力量源泉就是我们的理想。在国内也同样。我们在巨大的差异中发现统一，用写入我们宪法中的承诺：我们所有人生而平等，无论你是谁，你的外表如何，只要你遵守法律，你就应该受到法律的保护;只要你拥护我们的普世价值，你就应该得到与任何人相同的待遇。

我们必须不断完善这一承诺。我的政府有一个民权司，再度开始对违反民权和就业歧视提起公诉。我们终于加强了我们的法律，保护人们免受仇恨犯罪的侵害。今年，我将与国会和我们的军队共同废除一项法律，该法律由于同性恋者的身份而剥夺美国同性恋者效忠他们所热爱的国家的权利。

我们将严厉取缔违反同酬法的做法，使同样工作了一天的女性能获得同等的报酬。我们应该继续修复我们出故障的移民系统，以保护我们边境的安全、加强我们的法律、确保所有遵守规则的人能够对我们的经济作出贡献，令我们的国家更丰富多彩。

归根到底，是我们的理想、我们的价值标准筑起了美国。这些价值使我们得以打造一个由来自全世界各个角落的移民组成的国度，这些价值依然激励着我们的公民。每天，美国人承担着家庭和工作的责任。他们常常向他们的邻居伸出援手，回馈他们的国家。他们以劳动为荣，慷慨高尚。他们秉承的并非共和党或民主党的价值、商业价值或劳动价值，他们秉承的是美国价值。

不幸的是，我们的太多公民已经不再相信我们的大机构——我们的企业、我们的媒体，对，还有我们的政府——尽管这些机构依然还反映着这些价值。这些机构中不乏可敬的男性和女性工作者，他们从事的重要工作推动了国家的繁荣。但每当一名首席执行官事业失败了还要犒赏自己，或一位银行家为自己的私利而让人们陷入风险，人民的怀疑就会增加。每当说客们玩弄制度，或政客们只顾着相互诋毁，而不去振兴国家，我们就会失去信念。电视评论员越来越多地将严肃的辩论降格为愚蠢的争吵，或对重大问题一语带过，我们的公民也越来越多地转过身去。无怪乎社会上有那么多人愤世嫉俗，无怪乎有那么多的失望。

我竞选时的承诺是变革，口号是我们相信变革。但如今我知道，很多美国人不再确定他们是否依然相信我们能改变，或至少我能带来改变。但请记住这点——我从来没有说过变革会很容易，或者我可以独自完成。在一个拥有三亿人口的国家，民主可能变得喧嚣、混乱和复杂。当你试图做大事或带来大的变革，就会激起强烈的情绪和纷争。事情就是这样。

我们身为官员面对这样的情况可以明哲保身，避免道出令人难以接受的事实。我们可以做些必要的事，保持较高的民调支持率以顺利通过下一次选举，而不去做那些造福下一代的事。但我也知道这一点：如果五十年前或一百年前或二百年前的人们做了这样的决定，我们今晚就不可能在这里。我们能够在这里的唯一原因就是世世代代的美国人无所畏惧地承担起艰难的重任，不畏失败地去做必须做的事，让这个国家的梦想世代传承、恒久不灭。

这一年来，我们的政府经历过一些政治挫折，其中有些是应得的。但我每天醒来，都会想到他们与全国上下无数家庭这一年来所遭遇的困难相比微不足道。而支撑我继续前行、支撑我继续奋斗的是，尽管经历种种挫折，那种坚定和乐观的精神，那种与生俱来的尊严，它一直以来都是美国人最核心的精神，始终存在。

它存在于那位小企业主写给我的信中。他说：“我们没有人愿意考虑，甚至只是闪过这个念头，我们可能失败。”

它存在于那位女性的话中。她说，即使她和她的邻居们感受到衰退带来的痛苦，但“我们很坚强，我们有恢复力，我们是美国人”。

它存在于那位八岁的路易斯安那小男孩身上。他刚刚把自己的零花钱寄给我，问我能不能交给海地人民。

它还存在于所有义无反顾地前往从未去过的地方、将素昧平生的人拉出废墟的美国人，他们在又一个生命获救时高呼“美国!美国!美国”!

这种两百多年来一直支撑和鼓舞着这个国家的精神存在于你们，这个国家的人民身上。

我们结束了艰难的一年，我们走过了艰难的十年。但新的一年业已来到，新的十年也已开始。我们不放弃，我不放弃。让我们把握这一刻，重新开始，让梦想延续，让我们再次团结得更紧密。

谢谢。上帝保佑你们。上帝保佑美利坚合众国。