里根于1989年在白宫发表告别演说
里根于1989年在白宫发表告别演说 英文版
My fellow Americans:
This is the 34th time I’ll speak to you from the Oval Office and the last. We’ve been together 8 years now, and soon it will be time for me to go. But before I do, I wanted to share some thoughts, some of which I have been saving for a long time.
It’s been the honor of my life to be your President. So many of you have written the past few weeks to say thanks, but I could say as much to you. Nancy and I are grateful for the opportunity you gave us to serve.
One of the things about the Presidency is that you’re always somewhat apart. You spent a lot of time going by too fast in a car someone else is driving, and seeing the people through tinted glass—the parents holding up a child, and the wave you saw too late and could not return. And so many times, I wanted to stop and reach out from behind the glass, and connect. Well, maybe I can do a little of that tonight.
People ask how I feel about leaving. And the fact is,“parting is such sweet sorrow.”The sweet part is California and the ranch and freedom. The sorrow—the goodbyes, of course, and leaving this beautiful place.
You know, down the hall and up the stairs from this office is the part of the White House where the President and his family live. There are a few favorite windows I have up there that I like to stand and look out of early in the morning. The view is over the grounds here to the Washington Monument, and then the Mall and the Jefferson Memorial. But on mornings when the humidity is low, you can see past the Jefferson to the river, the Potomac, and the Virginia shore. Someone said that’s the view Lincoln had when he saw the smoke rising from the Battle of Bull Run. Well I see more prosaic things: the grass on the banks, the morning traffic as people make their way to work, now and then a sailboat on the river.
I’ve been thinking a bit at that window. I’ve been reflecting on what the past 8 years have meant and mean. And the image that comes to mind like a refrain is a nautical one—a small story about a big ship, and a refugee, and a sailor.
It was back in the early eighties, at the height of the boat people. And the sailor was hard at work on the carrier Midway, which was patrolling the South China Sea. The sailor, like most American servicemen, was young, smart, and fiercely observant. The crew spied on the horizon a leaky little boat. And crammed inside were refugees from Indochina hoping to get to America. The Midway sent a small launch to bring them to the ship and safety. As the refugees made their way through the choppy seas, one spied the sailor on deck, and stood up, and called out to him. He yelled,“Hello, American sailor. Hello, freedom man.”
A small moment with a big meaning, a moment the sailor, who wrote it in a letter, couldn’t get out of his mind. And, when I saw it, neither could I.
Because that’s what it has to, it was to be an American in the 1980’s. We stood, again, for freedom. I know we always have, but in the past few years the world again—and in a way, we ourselves—rediscovered it.
It’s been quite a journey this decade, and we held together through some stormy seas. And at the end, together, we’re reaching our destination.
The fact is, from Grenada to the Washington and Moscow summits, from the recession of '81 to '82, to the expansion that began in late '82 and continues to this day, we’ve made a difference.
The way I see it, there were two great triumphs, two things that I’m proudest of. One is the economic recovery, in which the people of America created—and filled—19 million new jobs. The other is the recovery of our morale. America is respected again in the world and looked to for leadership.
Something that happened to me a few years ago reflects some of this. It was back in 1981, and I was attending my first big economic summit, which was held that year in Canada. The meeting place rotates among the member countries. The opening meeting was a formal dinner for the heads of government of the seven industrialized nations. Well I sat there like the new kid in school and listened, and it was all Francois this and Helmut that. They dropped titles and spoke to one another on a first-name basis. Well, at one point I sort of leaned in and said,“My name’s Ron.”
Well, in that same year, we began the actions we felt would ignite an economic comeback—cut taxes and regulation, started to cut spending. And soon the recovery began.
Two years later, another economic summit with pretty much the same cast. At the big opening meeting we all got together, and all of a sudden, just for a moment, I saw that everyone was just sitting there looking at me. And then one of them broke the silence.“Tell us about the American miracle,”he said.
Well, back in 1980, when I was running for President, it was all so different. Some pundits said our programs would result in catastrophe. Our views on foreign affairs would cause war. Our plans for the economy would cause inflation to soar and bring about economic collapse. I even remember one highly respected economist saying, back in 1982, that“The engines of economic growth have shut down here, and they’re likely to stay that way for years to come.”
Well, he and the other opinion leaders were wrong. The fact is what they call“radical”was really“right”. What they called “dangerous”was just“desperately needed”.
And in all of that time I won a nickname,“The Great Communicator.”But I never thought it was my style or the words I used that made a difference: it was the content. I wasn’t a great communicator, but I communicated great things, and they didn’t spring full bloom from my brow, they came from the heart of a great nation—from our experience, our wisdom, and our belief in the principles that have guided us for two centuries.
They called it the“Reagan Revolution.”Well, I’ll accept that, but for me it always seemed more like the great rediscovery, a rediscovery of our values and our common sense.
Common sense told us that when you put a big tax on something, the people would produce less of it. So, we cut the people’s tax rates, and the people produced more than ever before. The economy bloomed like a plant that had been cut back and could now grow quicker and stronger. Our economic program brought about the longest peacetime expansion in our history: real family income up, the poverty rate down, entrepreneurship booming, and an explosion in research and new technology. We’re exporting more than ever because American industry became more competitive. And at the same time, we summoned the national will to knock down protectionist walls abroad instead of erecting them at home.
Common sense also told us that to preserve the peace, we’d have to become strong again after years of weakness and confusion. So, we rebuilt our defenses, and this New Year we toasted the new peacefulness around the globe. Not only have the superpowers actually begun to reduce their stockpiles of nuclear weapons—and hope for even more progress is bright—but the regional conflicts that rack the globe are also beginning to cease. The Persian Gulf is no longer a war zone. The Soviets are leaving Afghanistan. The Vietnamese are preparing to pull out of Cambodia, and an American-mediated accord will soon send 50,000 Cuban troops home from Angola.
The lesson of all this was, of course, that because we’re a great nation, our challenges seem complex. It will always be this way. But as long as we remember our first principles and believe in ourselves, the future will always be ours. And something else we learned: Once you begin a great movement, there’s no telling where it’ll end. We meant to change a nation, and instead, we changed a world.
Countries across the globe are turning to free markets and free speech and turning away from the ideologies of the past. For them, the great rediscovery of the 1980’s has been that, lo and behold, the moral way of government is the practical way of government: Democracy, the profoundly good, is also the profoundly productive.
When you’ve got to the point when you can celebrate the anniversaries of your 39th birthday, you can sit back sometimes, review your life, and see it flowing before you. For me there was a fork in the river, and it was right in the middle of my life.
I never meant to go into politics. It wasn’t my intention when I was young. But I was raised to believe you had to pay your way for the blessings bestowed on you. I was happy with my career in the entertainment world, but I ultimately went into politics because I wanted to protect something precious.
Ours was the first revolution in the history of mankind that truly reversed the course of government, and with three little words: “We the People.”“We the People”tell the government what to do; it doesn’t tell us.“We the People”are the driver; the government is the car, and we decide where it should go, and by what route, and how fast. Almost all the world’s constitutions are documents in which governments tell the people what their privileges are. Our Constitution is a document in which“We the People”tell the government what it is allowed to do.“We the People”are free. This belief has been the underlying basis for everything I’ve tried to do these past 8 years.
But back in the 1960’s, when I began, it seemed to me that we’d begun reversing the order of things—that through more and more rules and regulations and confiscatory taxes, the government was taking more of our money, more of our options, and more of our freedom. I went into politics in part to put up my hand and say,“Stop.”I was a citizen politician, and it seemed the right thing for a citizen to do.
I think we have stopped a lot of what needed stopping. And I hope we have once again reminded people that man is not free unless government is limited. There is a clear cause and effect here that is as neat and predictable as a law of physics:“As government expands, liberty contracts.”
Nothing is less free than pure communism—and yet we have, the past few years, forged a satisfying new closeness with the Soviet Union. I’ve been asked if this isn’t a gamble, and my answer is no because we’re basing our actions not on words but deeds.
The detente of this 1970’s was based not on actions but promises. They’d promise to treat their own people and the people of the world better. But the gulag was still the gulag, and the state was still expansionist, and they still waged proxy wars in Africa, Asia, and Latin America.
Well, this time, so far, it’s different. President Gorbachev has brought about some internal democratic reforms and begun the withdrawal from Afghanistan. He has also freed prisoners whose names I’ve given him every time we’ve met.
But life has a way of reminding you of big things through small incidents. Once, during the heady days of the Moscow summit, Nancy and I decided to break off from the entourage one afternoon to visit the shops on Rabat Street—that’s a little street just off Moscow’s main shopping area. Even though our visit was a surprise, every Russian there immediately recognized us and called out our names and reached for our hands. We were just about swept away by the warmth. You could almost feel the possibilities in all that joy. But within seconds, a KGB detail pushed their way toward us and began pushing and shoving the people in the crowd. It was an interesting moment. It reminded me that while the man on the street in the Soviet Union yearns for peace, the government is Communist. And those who run it are Communists, and that means we and they view such issues as freedom and human rights very differently.
We must keep up our guard, but we must also continue to work together to lessen and eliminate tension and mistrust.
My view is that President Gorbachev is different from previous Soviet leaders. I think he knows some of the things wrong with his society and is trying to fix them. We wish him well. And we’ll continue to work to make sure that the Soviet Union that eventually emerges from this process is a less threatening one. What it all boils down to is this: I want the new closeness to continue. And it will, as long as we make it clear that we will continue to act in a certain way as long as they continue to act in a helpful manner. If and when they don’t, at first pull your punches. If they persist, pull the plug.
It is still trust but verify.
It is still play, but cut the cards.
It’s still watch closely. And don’t be afraid to see what you see.
I’ve been asked if I have any regrets. Well, I do. The deficit is one. I’ve been talking a great deal about that lately, but tonight isn’t for arguments, and I’m going to hold my tongue.
But an observation: I’ve had my share of victories in the Congress, but what few people noticed is that I never won anything you didn’t win for me. They never saw my troops; they never saw Reagan’s regiments, the American people. You won every battle with every call you made and letter you wrote demanding action.
Well, action is still needed. If we’re to finish the job, Reagan’s regiments will have to become the Bush brigades. Soon he’ll be the Chief, and he’ll need you every bit as much as I did.
Finally, there is a great tradition of warnings in Presidential farewells, and I’ve got one that’s been on my mind for some time.
But oddly enough it starts with one of the things I’m proudest of in the past 8 years: the resurgence of national pride that I called,“The New Patriotism.”This national feeling is good, but it won’t count for much, and it won’t last unless it’s grounded in thoughtfulness and knowledge.
An informed patriotism is what we want. And are we doing a good enough job teaching our children what America is and what she represents in the long history of the world?
Those of us who are over 35 or so years of age grew up in a different America. We were taught, very directly, what it means to be an American. And we absorbed, almost in the air, a love of country and an appreciation of its institutions. If you didn’t get these things from your family you got them from the neighborhood, from the father down the street who fought in Korea or the family who lost someone at Anzio. Or you could get a sense of patriotism from school. And if all else failed you could get a sense of patriotism from the popular culture. The movies celebrated democratic values and implicitly reinforced the idea that America was special. TV was like that, too, through the mid-sixties.
But now, we’re about to enter the nineties, and some things have changed. Younger parents aren’t sure that an unambivalent appreciation of America is the right thing to teach modern children. And as for those who create the popular culture, well-grounded patriotism is no longer the style.
Our spirit is back, but we haven’t reinstitutionalized it. We’ve got to do a better job of getting across that America is freedom—freedom of speech, freedom of religion, freedom of enterprise. And freedom is special and rare. It’s fragile; it needs production.
So, we’ve got to teach history based not on what’s in fashion but what’s important—why the Pilgrims came here, who Jimmy Doolittle was, and what those 30 seconds over Tokyo meant. You know, 4 years ago on the 40th anniversary of D-day, I read a letter from a young woman writing to her late father, who had fought on Omaha Beach. Her name was Lisa Zanatta Henn, and she said,“we will always remember, we will never forget what the boys of Normandy did.”Well, let us help her keep her word. If we forget what we did, we won’t know who we are. I’m warning of an eradication of that—of the American memory that could result, ultimately, in an erosion of the American spirit. Let us start with some basics: more attention to American history and a greater emphasis on civic ritual.
And let me offer lesson number one about America: All great change in America begins at the dinner table. So, tomorrow night in the kitchen I hope the talking begins. And children, if your parents haven’t been teaching you what it means to be an American, let’s know and nail on it. That would be a very American thing to do.
And that’s about all I have to say tonight, except for one thing.
The past few days when I’ve been at that window upstairs, I’ve thought a bit of the shining city upon a hill. The phrase comes from John Winthrop, who wrote it to describe the America he imagined. What he imagined was important because he was an early Pilgrim, an early freedom man. He journeyed here on what today we’d call a little wooden boat; and like the other Pilgrims, he was looking for a home that would be free.
I’ve spoken of the shining city all my political life, but I don’t know if I ever quite communicated what I saw when I said it. But in my mind it was a tall, proud city built on rocks stronger than oceans, windswept, God-blessed, and teeming with people of all kinds living in harmony and peace; a city with free ports that hummed with commerce and creativity. And if there had to be city walls, the walls had doors and the doors were open to anyone with the will and the heart to get here. That’s how I saw it, and see it still.
And how stands the city on this winter night? More prosperous, more secure, and happier than it was 8 years ago. But more than that: After 200 years, two centuries, she still stands strong and true on the granite ridge, and her glow has held steady no matter what storm. And she’s still a beacon, still a magnet for all who must have freedom, for all the pilgrims from all the lost places who are hurtling through the darkness, toward home.
We’ve done our part. And as I walk off into the city streets, a final word to the men and women of the Reagan Revolution, the men and women across America who for 8 years did the work that brought America back.
My friends: We did it. We weren’t just marking time. We made a difference. We made the city stronger; we made the city freer; and we left her in good hands.
All in all, not bad—not bad at all.
And so, goodbye, God bless you, and God bless the United States of America.
里根于1989年在白宫发表告别演说 中文版
同胞们：
这是我第三十四次，也是最后一次在椭圆形办公室向你们讲话。我们在一起共事至今已有八年，而此时我卸任的时刻即将到来。但是，在此之前，我愿与你们共享我的心得，其中一些我已深思许久了。
成为你们的总统是我终身的光荣。过去几周，许多人来信表示谢意，但是，我更要向你们说声谢谢。南希和我感谢你们给了我们为美国效力的机会。
作为一名总统，一个特殊之处就在于我总是多少有点与世隔绝之感。我花费许多宝贵的时间乘坐在一辆由别人驾驶的轿车里，透过染色玻璃注视着人们——抱着孩子的父母，以及窗外一晃而过的人流。多少次我想让司机停车，从车窗后面伸出手来与人们打招呼并作一番交流，或许今晚我能够实现这一心愿。
有人问我离去的感受，离去当然是“如此甜蜜而又令人伤感”。甜蜜是因为就要回到加利福尼亚，在牧场上漫步，享受自由的时光。那么何谓伤感呢?当然是离别，是离开这美丽的地方。
如你们所知，走下大厅，再从这间办公室走上楼梯，就是白宫中供总统及其家人居住的地方。楼上有几扇精美的窗子。我喜欢在黎明时分伫立着眺望窗外的景色。从这里眺望过去，是华盛顿纪念碑，然后是林荫大道，杰斐逊纪念堂。在晴朗的早晨，越过杰斐逊纪念堂，你能够看到一条河流——波托马克河和弗吉尼亚海滨。人们传说，这就是当年林肯在注视从布尔伦河战场上腾起的烟雾时所见到的景色。我见到的景色更为平淡：河岸上的草地，早晨上班途中的车辆和行人，以及河面上偶尔飘过的一叶帆船。
我时常在那扇窗户旁苦苦思考。我时常反思过去的八年和现在究竟意味着什么。进入脑海的是一幅被一再描绘的画面——一个关于一艘船、一个难民和一位水兵的故事。
回顾20世纪80年代初，当时，从印度支那乘船出逃的难民正达到高潮，而在南中国海巡航的中途岛号航母上，这名水兵正在勤劳地干着活。这名水兵像大多数美国军人一样，年轻、聪明、敏锐。水兵们发现，在遥远的地平线上有一艘小船正在波涛中沉浮——船上挤满了渴望去美国的印支难民。于是，中途岛号派出一艘小型汽艇去接应他们。难民们在波涛汹涌的大海中挣扎，其中的一位难民发现了甲板上的那位水兵，便站起身来，向他呼喊道：“你好，美国水兵，你好，自由人。”
一个毫不起眼但又意义重大的时刻，一个令人难以忘怀的时刻——这名水兵在一封信中这样写道。假如我也曾目睹这一时刻，那么我也将无法忘怀。
因为这就是20世纪80年代，作为一名美国人所具有的含义。我们再一次象征着自由。我深信我们一直代表着自由，但是在过去数年间，世界再次——在某种程度上我们自己——也重新发现了这一点。
十年来，这确实是一次艰难的旅程，我们同舟共济，穿越了狂风暴雨的大海。最终，我们一起到达了理想的彼岸。
事实上，从梅林纳达到华盛顿和莫斯科峰会，从1981至1982年的经济衰退，到始于1982年年末，并一直持续至今的经济增长，我们已经创造了奇迹。
依我看来，我们取得了两项我为此而感到无比自豪的巨大成就。一项是经济的复苏，美国人民创造并且胜任了1,900万个新的工作岗位。另一项是道德的恢复，美国再次受到世界的尊重，并被寄予厚望来承担起领导世界的重任。
几年前，我亲身经历的某些事情多少反映了这种变化。回想1981年，我首次出席在加拿大召开的一次大型经济问题峰会。会议地点在各成员国中轮流。公开会议是为西方七国政府首脑举行的一次宴会。我就像学校里的一名新生，坐在一旁倾听，满耳不是弗兰科斯就是赫尔穆特。大家彼此之间不称职衔，而是直呼其名以示亲密。当时，我几乎是俯下身来说道：“我叫罗纳德”。
同年，我开始采取我们认为可能导致经济复苏的一些措施：减少税收、放松控制、削减支出。不久，经济开始复苏。
两年后，又一届经济问题峰会召开，与会者与上届极为相似。在大型公开会议上，我们汇聚在一起。忽然，我出乎意料地发现他们都注视着我。接着，其中的一位打破沉默说道：“给我们谈谈美国发生的奇迹。”
回想1980年，当我竞选总统时，情况却与此大相径庭。一些权威人士说，我们的计划将导致灾难。我们的外交观点将引发战争，我们的经济计划将引起恶性通胀，导致经济崩溃。我对一位备受尊敬的经济学家在1982年所说的话还记忆犹新，他说：“在美国，在全世界，带动经济增长的火车头已经停顿下来，并且在未来的数年里可能毫无起色。”
然而，他以及其他舆论界的领袖们都错了。事实上，他们称之为“激进的”无疑是“正确的”，他们称之为“危险的”恰恰是“急需的”。
总之，那时我赢得了一个绰号“伟大的传播者”。但是，我从不认为这是我的风格，或者我使用的语言改造了世界，这是问题的关键，我不是一位伟大的传播者，但是我传播了伟大的思想，它们并非凭空出自我的头脑，它们来自一个伟大的国家的内心——来自我们的经历、我们的智慧以及我们对两个世纪里引导我们的那些原则的信念。
他们将它称之为里根革命，我接受这种说法。但是就我而言，这似乎更像是伟大的再发现：我们的价值观念与一致公认的常识的一次再发现。
常识告诉我们，当你必须为某件商品交纳大笔税款时，人们就会减少生产这种商品。因此，我们削减了国民的税率，而国民却生产得比以往更多。我国的经济就像一棵被修剪过的大树，现在生长得更加迅速，更加根深叶茂了。我们的经济计划促成了我国历史上，在和平年代最长的一次经济增长：家庭纯收入提高了、贫困率下降了、工商界兴旺发达、科研和新技术迅猛发展。我们比以往任何时候都出口更多，因为美国的企业变得更具竞争力。同时，我们确立了这样一种国家意志：我们与其在国内构筑保护主义壁垒，不如去拆除国外的保护主义壁垒。
常识还告诉我们，为了维护和平，我们必须在经历数年的软弱和混乱之后再次变得强大。因此，我们重建了我们的防务——值此新年来临之际，我们为全球的和平而举杯。事实上，超级大国不仅已开始削减核武器储备，甚至取得更大的进展的前景同样是明朗的，而且令世界备感不安的地区冲突也即将结束。波斯湾不再是交战地区，苏联正在从阿富汗撤离，越南即将撤出柬埔寨，而经美国斡旋签署的一项协议，不久将使五万名古巴军人离开安哥拉回国。
当然，从所有这些事件中得出的教训是，由于我们是一个伟大的国家，因此我们面临的挑战是错综复杂的，并且将永远如此。但是，只要我们牢记我们的基本原则，并且相信自己，那么未来永远是我们的。我们还懂得了，一旦你开始采取某项行动，那么就难以预料将何时结束。我们只是要改变一个国家，却改变了整个世界。
世界各国正在向自由市场转型，开始允许言论自由，抛弃过去的意识形态。对它们而言，20世纪80年代的大发现，我们是道德的政府也是富有成效的政府，民主不仅是极其美好的，也是极具经济价值的。
在你们庆祝三十九岁生日的时候，你们能够休息片刻，回顾一下你们的人生，注视着时光在你们的面前流逝。对于我来说，则犹如河中的树枝，正漂流至我生命旅程的中途。
我从未想过步入政坛，这也不是我年轻时的志向。但是我从小就接受这样的教诲，相信你自己必须为你所得到的恩赐付出代价。我对从事演艺业感到满意，但是我最终进入政界，是因为我要保护一些弥足珍贵的东西。
我们所经历的变革，是人类历史上“我们的人民”真正改变了政府的演变进程的第一次革命。“我们的人民”告诉政府，而不是政府告诉“我们的人民”该做什么。“我们的人民”是驾驶员，而政府则是一辆汽车。“我们的人民”决定它行驶的方向、道路与速度。世界上几乎所有国家的宪法都是告诉人民享有哪些特权。而在我们的宪法告诉政府应该怎样做，“我们的人民”是自由的。这种信念是我在过去八年里作出不懈努力的基础。
但是，回想20世纪60年代，当我开始投身政治时，我们似乎把一切都颠倒了——政府通过越来越多的法规和赋税条例，正在更多地剥夺我们的钱财、我们的选择权以及我们的自由。我之所以步入政坛，在某种程度上，就是要举起我的手，大喝一声：“住手!”我是一名平民政治家，这是一个平民应尽的责任。
我认为我们阻止了大量本该阻止的事情的发生或延续。我们再次提醒了人们，除非政府的权力受到限制，否则人类是不会自由的。两者之间的因果关系如同物理定律一样简单明了。可以预料，政府膨胀一分，则自由收缩一分。
没有比纯粹的极权主义更不自由的，然而，在过去几年，我们已同苏联建立了新型的令人满意的密切联系。我曾经扪心自间，这难道不是一种赌博吗?我的回答是否定的。因为我们的决断是建立在行动上，而不是建立在言辞上的。
20世纪70年代缓和的基础，不是行动而是许诺。他们许诺善待他们本国和世界各国的人民，但是古拉格还是古拉格，苏联依然是扩张主义国家，他们依然在非洲、亚洲和拉丁美训进行傀儡战争。
现在的情况已有所不同，戈尔巴乔夫在国内已着手进行某些民主改革，并已开始撤离阿富汗。他还释放了我们每次会晤时，我向他提供了姓名的那些犯人。
但是，生活能够通过一些细节使你们回想起某些重要的事情。在莫斯科峰会期间那些令人兴奋的日子里，一天上午，南希和我决定摆脱随行人员，独自去莫斯科主要购物区近旁的一条街——阿尔巴特大街上的商店去逛逛。尽管我们的到访出乎人们的意料，但是那里的每一个俄罗斯人都立刻认出了我们，呼喊我们的名字，与我们握手。我们几乎被这种热情所吞没，假如你们身临其境，那么你们可能也会有这种感觉。但是片刻之后，一队克格勃奋力朝我们挤来，并且开始推搡人群。这是一个多么有趣的时刻，它提醒我当苏联大街上的人们渴望和平的时候，而该国的政府却是极权主义的。这意味着在诸如自由和人权等问题上，我们与他们的观点是截然不同的。
我们必须保持警惕，但是我们同样必须继续保持合作，减少并且消除紧张和不信任。
我认为戈尔巴乔夫总统与以前的苏联领导人不同。我认为他了解苏联社会中存在的那些弊病，并且正在试图加以解决。我们预祝他成功。他们将继续努力，以确保在经历这一进程以后而获得新生的苏联，将不再是一个咄咄逼人的国家。归结起来就是我希望继续保持这种新型的密切关系。如同我们表明的那样，我们将始终视他们是否以一种有益的方式行事，来决定我们将采取何种行动。如果一旦他们并非如此，那么首先好言相劝，如果他们执迷不悟，那么不妨动真格的。
我们之间仍然是互相信任的，但需要得到证实。
游戏还得玩下去，但必须重新开始。
我们还要密切关注事态的发展，并且不惧怕面对所目睹的一切。
曾经有人问我，是否有遗憾之处。有的。如赤字就是其中之一。近来，我对此问题谈了许多，但是今晚不宜再作讨论，我愿保持缄默。
有人认为我分享了国会的胜利成果，然而几乎无人意识到，我的胜利无不是由你们创造的。他们从不正视我的部队，从不正视里根团，即美国人民。你们发出召唤，发布文告以动员人民，赢得了每一次战斗。
行动仍然是必不可少的。如果我们想要完成这项工作，那么里根团就应当成为布什旅。不久他将成为一个领袖，他像我一样需要你们。
最后我要说的是，总统告别演说具有向人们提出忠告这样一个伟大的传统，而我确有一个忠告，它在我的脑海里已酝酿许久。
但是，说来奇怪，它是以我在过去八年里引以为豪的事物之一，即被我称作为“新爱国主义”的民族自豪感的再次振兴作为开场白的。这种民族自豪感无可非议，但其价值并非很高，并且不会持久，除非这种情感是建立在思考和知识的基础上的。
我们需要的是明智的爱国主义。那么，我们是否出色地教育了我们的孩子，使其懂得美国意味着什么?在漫长的世界史上，它又代表着什么?
我们年过三十五岁的那些人，生长在一个与今不同的美国。我们被直截了当地告之，做一个美国人意味着什么?我们几乎能够在吸入的空气中感受到对国家的热爱以及对制度的赏识。假如你无法从你的家人那里感受到这种爱和这种赏识，那么你仍然能够从邻居那里，从在韩国进行街头斗争的前辈那里，或者从在安齐奥失去亲人的那些家庭那里感受到。假如你还感受不到，那么你依然能够从大众文化那里感受到爱国主义意识。电影赞颂了民主的价值，并且潜移默化地增强了美国是无与伦比的这种观念。在整个20世纪60年代中期，电视同样如此。
但是，现在我们即将进入20世纪90年代，有些情况已发生了变化。年轻的父母们无法确信，对美国不加掩饰的赏识，是否仍然是教育现代孩子们的灵丹妙药。至于对那些创造大众文化的人们来说，具有真凭实据的爱国主义已不再是一种时尚。
我们的精神已经过时，但是我们尚未重建一种精神。我们必须加倍努力，以使人们相信美国象征着自由——言论自由、宗教自由、经营自由。而自由是独特而又富有价值的。它是脆弱的，需要得到保护。
我们应当不是基于考虑是否符合时尚，而是考虑是否重要来教授早期移民为何来到这里的历史，吉米·杜立德是谁，那30秒对东京意味着什么?你们是否知道，四年前在诺曼底登陆四十周年纪念日，我读到一封一位女青年写给曾参加过奥马哈海滩之战的已故父亲的信。她叫莉萨·詹纳特·亨，她写道：“我们永远铭记，我们终身不忘参加诺曼底之战的小伙子们的伟业。”让我们助她以一臂之力，以恪守这一诺言吧!假如我们忘掉了历史，那么也就意味着忘掉了自己。在此，我对美国人的健忘发出警告，这种健忘将导致美国精神的堕落。让我们从一些基本的事情做起：更加关注美国的历史，更加重视公民的礼仪。
请让我提出与美国有关的最重要的一条教训：美国所有重大的变革都是从餐桌上开始的。因此，我希望明晚在厨房里开始谈话。孩子们，如果你们的父母从未告诉过你们，当一个美国人意味着什么——那么让他们知道并且记住，这是任何一位真正的美国人都不容推辞的责任。
这就是今晚我要说的全部内容。另外，还要补充一点。
最近几天，当我伫立在楼上的窗边时，对这座“屹立在山岗上的”辉煌的城市想了许多。这一说法源自约翰·温思罗普，他以此来描述他想象中的美国。他的想象十分重要，因为他是一位早期移民——一位早期的“自由人”。他乘坐我们现在称之为小木船的那种船来到这里，并且像其他早期移民一样，他渴望拥有一个自由的家园。
在我的整个政治生涯中，我曾经一再地谈起这座辉煌的城市，但是，我不知道是否清楚地表达了我的思想。在我的心目中，这是一座高大得令人骄傲的城市，它建立在坚实的基石上，而绝非是一座空中楼阁。上帝保佑着她，街上人来人往，各种肤色的人们生活在和睦与和平之中。一座拥有自由港、商业繁荣并且具有创造性的城市。如果这座城市建有城墙，那么一定是有城门的，并且是向所有梦寐以求要来到这里的人们敞开的。这曾经是并且依然是我的看法。
在这寒冷的冬夜，这座城市又会如何呢?它比八年前更加繁荣、更加安全、更加幸福了。但不仅于此：两百年后，甚至两个世纪以后，它将更加强大，稳稳地屹立在花岗岩的山脊上，面对风暴依然熠熠发光。她将成为一座灯塔，或一块磁石，为所有一心向往自由的人们，为所有来自迷失之地，逃离黑暗回家的朝圣者们引路指航。
我们履行了自己的职责。当我走出这里来到这座城市的大街上时，我要向参与这场里根革命的男人和女人们——在过去八年里为复兴美国而工作的全国各地的男人和女人们道别。
朋友们，我们成功了。我们不仅追回了失去的时光，而且改变了世界。我们使这座城市变得更加坚固，更加自由，并且将她交给优秀者手中。
总之，情况不错，一切顺利。
再见了。上帝保佑你们。上帝保佑美利坚合众国。
