罗斯福于1941年致美国国会的第八次国情咨文演讲
罗斯福于1941年致美国国会的第八次国情咨文演讲 英文版
The Four Freedoms
Delivered 6 January, 1941
Mr. President, Mr. Speaker, members of the 77th Congress，
I address you, the members of this new Congress, at a moment unprecedented in the history of the union. I use the word “unprecedented” because at no previous time has American security been as seriously threatened from without as it is today.
Since the permanent formation of our government under the Constitution in 1789, most of the periods of crisis in our history have related to our domestic affairs. And, fortunately, only one of these—the four-year war between the States—ever threatened our national unity. Today, thank God, 130,000,000 Americans in 48 States have forgotten points of the compass in our national unity.
It is true that prior to 1914 the United States often has been disturbed by events in other continents. We have even engaged in two wars with European nations and in a number of undeclared wars in the West Indies, in the Mediterranean and in the Pacific, for the maintenance of American rights and for the principles of peaceful commerce. But in no case had a serious threat been raised against our national safety or our continued independence.
What I seek to convey is the historic truth that the United States as a nation has at all times maintained opposition—clear, definite opposition—to any attempt to lock us in behind an ancient Chinese wall while the procession of civilization went past. Today, thinking of our children and of their children, we oppose enforced isolation for ourselves or for any other part of the Americas.
That determination of ours, extending over all these years, was proved, for example, in the early days during the quarter century of wars following the French Revolution. While the Napoleonic struggles did threaten interests of the United States because of the French foothold in the West Indies and in Louisiana, and while we engaged in the War of 1812 to vindicate our right to peaceful trade, it is nevertheless clear that neither France nor Great Britain nor any other nation was aiming at domination of the whole world.
And in like fashion, from 1815 to 1914—ninety-nine years—no single war in Europe or in Asia constituted a real threat against our future or against the future of any other American nation.
Except in the Maximilian interlude in Mexico, no foreign power sought to establish itself in this hemisphere. And the strength of the British fleet in the Atlantic has been a friendly strength; it is still a friendly strength.
Even when the World War broke out in 1914, it seemed to contain only small threat of danger to our own American future. But as time went on, as we remember, the American people began to visualize what the downfall of democratic nations might mean to our own democracy.
We need not overemphasize imperfections in the peace of Versailles. We need not harp on failure of the democracies to deal with problems of world reconstruction. We should remember that the peace of 1919 was far less unjust than the kind of pacification which began even before Munich, and which is being carried on under the new order of tyranny that seeks to spread over every continent today. The American people have unalterably set their faces against that tyranny.
I suppose that every realist knows that the democratic way of life is at this moment being directly assailed in every part of the world—assailed either by arms or by secret spreading of poisonous propaganda by those who seek to destroy unity and promote discord in nations that are still at peace. During 16 long months this assault has blotted out the whole pattern of democratic life in an appalling number of independent nations, great and small. And the assailants are still on the march, threatening other nations, great and small.
Therefore, as your President, performing my constitutional duty to “give to the Congress information of the state of the union,” I find it unhappily necessary to report that the future and the safety of our country and of our democracy are overwhelmingly involved in events far beyond our borders.
Armed defense of democratic existence is now being gallantly waged in four continents. If that defense fails, all the population and all the resources of Europe and Asia, and Africa and Australasia will be dominated by conquerors. And let us remember that the total of those populations in those four continents, the total of those populations and their resources greatly exceed the sum total of the population and the resources of the whole of the Western Hemisphere—yes, many times over.
In times like these it is immature—and, incidentally, untrue—for anybody to brag that an unprepared America, single-handed and with one hand tied behind its back, can hold off the whole world.
No realistic American can expect from a dictator’s peace international generosity, or return of true independence, or world disarmament, or freedom of expression, or freedom of religion—or even good business. Such a peace would bring no security for us or for our neighbors. Those who would give up essential liberty to purchase a little temporary safety deserve neither liberty nor safety.
As a nation we may take pride in the fact that we are soft-hearted; but we cannot afford to be soft-headed. We must always be wary of those who with sounding brass and a tinkling cymbal preach the “ism” of appeasement. We must especially beware of that small group of selfish men who would clip the wings of the American eagle in order to feather their own nests.
I have recently pointed out how quickly the tempo of modern warfare could bring into our very midst the physical attack which we must eventually expect if the dictator nations win this war.
There is much loose talk of our immunity from immediate and direct invasion from across the seas. Obviously, as long as the British Navy retains its power, no such danger exists. Even if there were no British Navy, it is not probable that any enemy would be stupid enough to attack us by landing troops in the United States from across thousands of miles of ocean, until it had acquired strategic bases from which to operate.
But we learn much from the lessons of the past years in Europe—particularly the lesson of Norway, whose essential seaports were captured by treachery and surprise built up over a series of years. The first phase of the invasion of this hemisphere would not be the landing of regular troops. The necessary strategic points would be occupied by secret agents and by their dupes—and great numbers of them are already here and in Latin America. As long as the aggressor nations maintain the offensive they, not we, will choose the time and the place and the method of their attack.
And that is why the future of all the American Republics is today in serious danger. That is why this annual message to the Congress is unique in our history. That is why every member of the executive branch of the government and every member of the Congress face great responsibility, great accountability. The need of the moment is that our actions and our policy should be devoted primarily—almost exclusively—to meeting this foreign peril. For all our domestic problems are now a part of the great emergency.
Just as our national policy in internal affairs has been based upon a decent respect for the rights and the dignity of all our fellow men within our gates, our national policy in foreign affairs has been based on a decent respect for the rights and the dignity of all nations, large and small. And the justice of morality must and will win in the end.
Our national policy is this:
First, by an impressive expression of the public will and without regard to partisanship, we are committed to all—inclusive national defense.
Secondly, by an impressive expression of the public will and without regard to partisanship, we are committed to full support of all those resolute people everywhere who are resisting aggression and are thereby keeping war away from our hemisphere. By this support we express our determination that the democratic cause shall prevail, and we strengthen the defense and the security of our own nation.
Third, by an impressive expression of the public will and without regard to partisanship, we are committed to the proposition that principles of morality and considerations for our own security will never permit us to acquiesce in a peace dictated by aggressors and sponsored by appeasers. We know that enduring peace cannot be bought at the cost of other people’s freedom.
In the recent national election there was no substantial difference between the two great parties in respect to that national policy. No issue was fought out on this line before the American electorate. And today it is abundantly evident that American citizens everywhere are demanding and supporting speedy and complete action in recognition of obvious danger.
Therefore, the immediate need is a swift and driving increase in our armament production. Leaders of industry and labor have responded to our summons. Goals of speed have been set. In some cases these goals are being reached ahead of time. In some cases we are on schedule; in other cases there are slight but not serious delays. And in some cases—and, I am sorry to say, very important cases—we are all concerned by the slowness of the accomplishment of our plans.
The Army and Navy, however, have made substantial progress during the past year. Actual experience is improving and speeding up our methods of production with every passing day. And today’s best is not good enough for tomorrow. I am not satisfied with the progress thus far made. The men in charge of the program represent the best in training, in ability, and in patriotism. They are not satisfied with the progress thus far made. None of us will be satisfied until the job is done. No matter whether the original goal was set too high or too low, our objective is quicker and better results.
To give you two illustrations: We are behind schedule in turning out finished airplanes. We are working day and night to solve the innumerable problems and to catch up. We are ahead of schedule in building warships, but we are working to get even further ahead of that schedule.
To change a whole nation from a basis of peacetime production of implements of peace to a basis of wartime production of implements of war is no small task. And the greatest difficulty comes at the beginning of the program, when new tools, new plant facilities, new assembly lines, new shipways must first be constructed before the actual material begins to flow steadily and speedily from them.
The Congress of course, must rightly keep itself informed at all times of the progress of the program. However, there is certain information, as the Congress itself will readily recognize, which, in the interests of our own security and those of the nations that we are supporting, must of needs be kept in confidence.
New circumstances are constantly begetting new needs for our safety. I shall ask this Congress for greatly increased new appropriations and authorizations to carry on what we have begun. I also ask this Congress for authority and for funds sufficient to manufacture additional munitions and war supplies of many kinds, to be turned over to those nations which are now in actual war with aggressor nations. Our most useful and immediate role is to act as an arsenal for them as well as for ourselves. They do not need manpower, but they do need billions of dollars’ worth of the weapons of defense.
The time is near when they will not be able to pay for them all in ready cash. We cannot, and we will not, tell them that they must surrender merely because of present inability to pay for the weapons which we know they must have. I do not recommend that we make them a loan of dollars with which to pay for these weapons—a loan to be repaid in dollars. I recommend that we make it possible for those nations to continue to obtain war materials in the United States, fitting their orders into our own program. And nearly all of their material would, if the time ever came, be useful in our own defense.
Taking counsel of expert military and naval authorities, considering what is best for our own security, we are free to decide how much should be kept here and how much should be sent abroad to our friends who, by their determined and heroic resistance, are giving us time in which to make ready our own defense. For what we send abroad we shall be repaid, repaid within a reasonable time following the close of hostilities, repaid in similar materials, or at our option in other goods of many kinds which they can produce and which we need.
Let us say to the democracies: “We Americans are vitally concerned in your defense of freedom. We are putting forth our energies, our resources, and our organizing powers to give you the strength to regain and maintain a free world. We shall send you in ever—increasing numbers, ships, planes, tanks, guns. That is our purpose and our pledge.” In fulfillment of this purpose we will not be intimidated by the threats of dictators that they will regard as a breach of international law or as an act of war our aid to the democracies which dare to resist their aggression. Such aid—Such aid is not an act of war, even if a dictator should unilaterally proclaim it so to be. And when the dictators—if the dictators—are ready to make war upon us, they will not wait for an act of war on our part. They did not wait for Norway or Belgium or the Netherlands to commit an act of war.
Their only interest is in a new one-way international law, which lacks mutuality in its observance and therefore becomes an instrument of oppression. The happiness of future generations of Americans may well depend on how effective and how immediate we can make our aid felt. No one can tell the exact character of the emergency situations that we may be called upon to meet. The nation’s hands must not be tied when the nation’s life is in danger.
Yes, and we must prepare, all of us prepare, to make the sacrifices that the emergency—almost as serious as war itself—demands. Whatever stands in the way of speed and efficiency in defense, in defense preparations of any kind, must give way to the national need. A free nation has the right to expect full cooperation from all groups. A free nation has the right to look to the leaders of business, of labor, and of agriculture to take the lead in stimulating effort, not among other groups but within their own group. The best way of dealing with the few slackers or trouble-makers in our midst is, first, to shame them by patriotic example, and if that fails, to use the sovereignty of government to save government.
As men do not live by bread alone, they do not fight by armaments alone. Those who man our defenses and those behind them who build our defenses must have the stamina and the courage which come from unshakable belief in the manner of life which they are defending. The mighty action that we are calling for cannot be based on a disregard of all the things worth fighting for. The nation takes great satisfaction and much strength from the things which have been done to make its people conscious of their individual stake in the preservation of democratic life in America. Those things have toughened the fiber of our people, have renewed their faith and strengthened their devotion to the institutions we make ready to protect.
Certainly this is no time for any of us to stop thinking about the social and economic problems which are the root cause of the social revolution which is today a supreme factor in the world. For there is nothing mysterious about the foundations of a healthy and strong democracy.
The basic things expected by our people of their political and economic systems are simple. They are:
Equality of opportunity for youth and for others.
Jobs for those who can work.
Security for those who need it.
The ending of special privilege for the few.
The preservation of civil liberties for all.
The enjoyment—The enjoyment of the fruits of scientific progress in a wider and constantly rising standard of living.
These are the simple, the basic things that must never be lost sight of in the turmoil and unbelievable complexity of our modern world. The inner and abiding strength of our economic and political systems is dependent upon the degree to which they fulfill these expectations.
Many subjects connected with our social economy call for immediate improvement. As examples:
We should bring more citizens under the coverage of old-age pensions and unemployment insurance.
We should widen the opportunities for adequate medical care.
We should plan a better system by which persons deserving or needing gainful employment may obtain it.
I have called for personal sacrifice, and I am assured of the willingness of almost all Americans to respond to that call. A part of the sacrifice means the payment of more money in taxes. In my budget message I will recommend that a greater portion of this great defense program be paid for from taxation than we are paying for today. No person should try, or be allowed to get rich out of the program, and the principle of tax payments in accordance with ability to pay should be constantly before our eyes to guide our legislation. If the Congress maintains these principles the voters, putting patriotism ahead pocketbooks, will give you their applause.
In the future days, which we seek to make secure, we look forward to a world founded upon four essential human freedoms. The first is freedom of speech and expression—everywhere in the world. The second is freedom of every person to worship God in his own way—everywhere in the world. The third is freedom from want, which, translated into world terms, means economic understandings which will secure to every nation a healthy peacetime life for its inhabitants—everywhere in the world. The fourth is freedom from fear, which, translated into world terms, means a world-wide reduction of armaments to such a point and in such a thorough fashion that no nation will be in a position to commit an act of physical aggression against any neighbor—anywhere in the world.
That is no vision of a distant millennium. It is a definite basis for a kind of world attainable in our own time and generation. That kind of world is the very antithesis of the so-called “new order” of tyranny which the dictators seek to create with the crash of a bomb.
To that new order we oppose the greater conception—the moral order. A good society is able to face schemes of world domination and foreign revolutions alike without fear.
Since the beginning of our American history we have been engaged in change, in a perpetual, peaceful revolution, a revolution which goes on steadily, quietly, adjusting itself to changing conditions without the concentration camp or the quicklime in the ditch. The world order which we seek is the cooperation of free countries, working together in a friendly, civilized society.
This nation has placed its destiny in the hands and heads and hearts of its millions of free men and women, and its faith in freedom under the guidance of God. Freedom means the supremacy of human rights everywhere. Our support goes to those who struggle to gain those rights and keep them. Our strength is our unity of purpose.
To that high concept there can be no end save victory.
罗斯福于1941年致美国国会的第八次国情咨文演讲 中文版
四大自由
1941年1月6日
参议院议长、众议院议长、第77届国会的各位议员：
我向这届新的国会议员发表的咨文是在美国历史上史无前例的。我用“史无前例”这个词是因为在以前任何时候美国的安全都没有像今天这样严重地受到外来威胁。
自1789年根据宪法建立起永久的政府后，我国历史上大部分的危机时刻都关乎内政。但幸运的是只有那次四年内战对我们的国家统一造成过威胁。感谢上帝，四十八个州的一亿三千万美国人民如今已经忘却了国家内部的分歧。
在1914年以前，美国确实经常受到其他几个大陆所发生事件的干扰。为了维护美国的权力与坚持和平贸易，我们甚至一度陷入与欧洲国家的两场战争以及与西印度群岛、地中海和太平洋地区的多次不宣之战之中。但没有一次严重威胁到我们的国家安全或我们的继续独立。
我想要传达的是一个历史事实：当文明的进程已完成，美国作为一个国家在任何时间都明确地、坚决地反对任何将我们禁锢在古中国长城之后的企图。今天，考虑到我们的孩子和他们的下一代，我们要对强制孤立我们或美洲其他地方予以反对。
过去的这些年里，比如在法国革命后的二十五年战争的早期，我们已表明决心。尽管因法国在西印度群岛和路易斯安那的稳固地位而使拿破仑战争威胁到了美国的利益，尽管我们为维护美国和平贸易的权利而卷入了1812年的战争，但显然法国、英国或其他任何国家都没打算统治全世界。
同样的，自1815年至1914年这九十九年中，欧洲或亚洲没有一个战争对我们或美洲其他国家的将来真正造成威胁。
除了在墨西哥的马西米连诺，没有外强企图在这个半球确立自己的地位。而且英国舰队在大西洋的兵力一直以来都较温和，现在仍然是。
即使当1914年世界战争爆发时，他们似乎对我们美国未来的威胁也很小。但随着时间的推移，我们还记得，美国人民也开始设想民主国家的垮台对我们国家的民主制度意味着什么。
我们不必过分强调《凡尔赛和约》的不足之处。我们也不必喋喋不休地谈论民主国家无法解决国际重建的问题。我们应该牢记，早在慕尼黑会议之前就有了和解，而1919年的停战协议远比那个公平得多。暴政新秩序的触角如今企图伸向每个大陆，在这种情况下，那样的和解还在继续。美国人民坚决反对那样的暴政。
我想每一个现实主义者都知道，民主的生活方式此刻正在世界各地遭受着直接攻击，或被武力攻击，或被秘密散布的恶毒言论攻击。那些人企图制造分裂，在和平国家中挑拨离间。漫长的十六个月以来，这种进攻已在为数众多的大小独立国家中摧毁了整个民主的生活方式。攻击者仍步步逼近，威胁着其他大大小小的国家。
因此，作为总统，我要履行宪法规定的职责，向国会报告联邦的情况。我必须很遗憾地报告：我们国家和民主制度的前途和安全已和远在我国边界之外发生的事件休戚相关。
四大洲的人民正为保卫民主制度的生存，而英勇地进行武装保卫战。如果这场保卫战失败，那么征服者将占有欧洲、亚洲、非洲与澳大拉西亚的所有人口和一切资源。我们要记住，这四大洲的总人口和资源远远超过整个西半球的人口和资源的总和多好几倍。
在这样的时期，美国毫无准备，犹如一只手被绑在了背后。要是任何人吹嘘说这样的美国可以对抗全世界，那么他就是幼稚的，也是随口说说不可信的。
任何现实的美国人都不会指望从独裁者的和平中得到国际的宽容，或恢复真正的独立，或世界裁军，或言论自由，或信仰自由，或公平贸易。这种和平绝不会给我们和邻国带来安全。那些为了一时安全而甘愿放弃基本自由的人是不配得到自由和安全的。
作为一个国家，我们可以自诩自己的仁慈;但是，我们却不能头脑糊涂。我们必须时时刻刻提防那些说空话、大肆宣传绥靖主义的人。我们必须特别提防要把美国国徽上的白头海雕的翅膀剪下来装饰自己巢穴的一小撮自私的人。
最近我曾指出，现代战争能很快将武力攻击蔓延到我国。如果独裁国家打赢了这场战争，我们就必须意识到武力攻击总有一天会到来。
有些人闲聊说，我们不会立即受到来自海外直接的入侵。显然，只要英国海军维持现有力量，受到入侵的危险就不会存在。即使没有英国海军，在未夺得可用于发动攻击的战略基地之前，也不太可能有敌军愚蠢到跨越几千里重洋登陆美国来袭击我们。
但是，我们从欧洲的过去几年中得到了很多教训，特别是挪威，挪威所有的重要海港都是被敌人连续多年步步为营设下的诡计和出其不意的进攻夺去的。要入侵这个半球的第一步不是派遣普通部队，关键策略的要点在于先让特务和他们的伪装人员渗入，他们中的大部分已经在这里和拉丁美洲了。只要侵略国保持攻势，发动攻击的时间、地点和方法将由他们而不由我们来选择。
所以，美洲各个共和国的前途如今面临着严重的危险。所以，这次的年度国会咨文在我国历史上独一无二。所以，政府行政部门的每名官员和国会的每名议员都要责无旁贷、背负重任。当务之急是我们的行动和政策都必须以应对这场外来危险为首要的甚至唯一的任务。因为我们所有的国内问题现在都成为这场重大危机的一部分。
我们在内政方面的国家政策从来都以适度尊重国内所有国民的权利和尊严为基础。同样，外交上的国家政策也一直以适度尊重所有大小国家的权利和尊严为基础。道德的正义最终必须而且一定会胜利。
我们的国策是：
第一，我们根据明确表达的公意，不分党派，致力于全面的国防。
第二，我们根据明确表达的公意，不分党派，致力于对世界各地坚决抵抗侵略而使我们半球免受战祸的人民给予全力支持。我们以此来表达对民主事业必将胜利的决心，我们以此来加强本国的国防和安全。
第三，我们根据明确表达的公意，不分党派，坚持我们的观点，即以道德的原则和对我们本身安全的考虑将绝不容许我们默认侵略者所强加的和绥靖主义者所提倡的那种和平。我们知道，持久的和平绝不能以牺牲别国人民的自由来换取。
在最近的一次大选中，两大党派就国家政策而言没有实质上的分歧。在美国选民面前也没有就这条政治路线发生分歧。现在足可证明全美公民都要求并支持立刻完全投入到应对重大危机的行动中去。
因此，我们亟需迅速强劲地增加军备的生产。工业和劳动部门的官员们已经响应了我们的号召。他们设定了目标产量完成的时间。有一些部门提前完成了任务，还有一些在规定的时间内完成了任务，另外其他的一些完成任务的时间虽然有些滞后但不是很严重。但是，我必须遗憾地说我们仍然十分担心一些重要的生产任务无法在计划的时间内完成。
尽管陆军和海军在过去一年取得了巨大的进步。每天都在提升经验和改进生产方式。但是今天的最好对于明天仍然是不够的。我对目前取得的进步仍然是不满意的。项目的负责人们被认为是在训练和能力方面最优秀的人以及最具有爱国主义精神的人，他们对目前所取得的进展不满意。在所有的项目完成之前，我们任何人都不会满意。无论原先的目标是设定的太高或者太低了，我们的目的都是为了更好更快地完成任务。
下面我将给你们列出两个例子：我们在飞机制造任务的完成进度上滞后了。于是为了赶工，我们夜以继日地工作并解决了无数的难题。我们在战舰的建造的任务上已经超前了，但是我们会继续努力使任务完成的时间更加超前。
将整个国家的生产从和平时期的产量要求提升到战争时期的要求不是一项简单的任务。最大的困难就在于项目的初期，因为那时必须首先建造新的工具，新的工厂设备，新的生产线，新的造船台，之后才会有源源不断的产品从中输出来。
当然，国会必须时刻知晓项目的进度。但是国会也能够认识到对于一些关乎我国和其他盟国安全的信息则必须要保密。
新的国际环境对我们国家的安全提出了新的要求。我要求国会大量增加拨款并且授权政府继续实施已经开展了的项目。我还想要求国会的授权和拨付充足的资金用于制造各种各样的军需品，并将其交给那些正在与侵略者交战的国家。我们最有效和最直接援助他们的方法即是充当他们和我们自己的兵工厂。他们不需要人力，但是他们需要数十亿美元的用于防卫的武器。
可能到时候他们无力用现金偿还。我们不能也不会告诉他们，仅仅是因为现在无法支付这些对于他们很必要的武器，他们就必须要向侵略者投降。我不建议为他们提供购买这些武器贷款——将来他们要偿还的贷款。我建议让这些国家持续地从美国获得战略物资，并且将他们的订单拟入我国的生产项目中。因为一旦时机来临，他们所有的战略物资都会用于防卫我们自己的国家。
通过咨询军事专家们，综合考虑最有效的防御方案，我们可以决定需要留下多少武器装备，有多少可以被送到国外支援我们的友国，正是由于他们坚决英勇的抵抗，我们才能有足够的时间准备国防。我们捐献给友国的战备物资最终会得到回报，这种回报即是在敌人来临之前我们将有足够的时间，也可能是以同样的物资或他们能够生产而且我们又需要的其他各种物资。
让我们告诉民主国家们：我们美国人十分关注你们捍卫自由的斗争，我们将尽全力为你们提供物质和军队，帮助你们维护自由世界。我们将送给你们无数的舰船、飞机、坦克和枪炮。那是我们的目的也是我们的承诺。为了实现这一目的，我们不会惧怕独裁者的威胁。他们认为我们这种援助其他抵抗侵略民主国家的行为是违反国际法的，或者说是战争行为。 这样的援助并不是战争行为，只是独裁者们单方面地这样认为。而且如果当独裁者们准备对我们发动战争了，他们不会等到我们先发动战争。他们没有等挪威比利时和荷兰先发动战争。
他们唯一的兴趣即是建立单向的国际法，这样的国际法由于缺乏相互性而成为了他们压迫其他国家的工具。未来美国人民的幸福取决于我们的援助是否及时有效。没有人能告诉我们可能面临怎样的紧急情况。这个国家的生命在受到威胁时，一定不要绑缚住双手。
是的，在如战争一样紧急的情况下，我们所有的人必须准备做出必要的牺牲。任何阻碍我们进行快速有效国防的事情都必须让道给国家的需要。一个自由的国家有权希望各个群体之间的全面合作。一个自由的国家有权期望商业、劳动力、农业领域的领袖带头努力，不是在其他的行业，而是在他们自己的行业中。对于那些懒汉和麻烦制造者们，最好的方法即是通过爱国主义的事例羞辱他们。如果那都不起作用，那就是用政府的权利来拯救政府。
正如人们不能只依靠面包生活，他们也不能只依靠武器进行战斗。那些保卫国家和支持保卫国家的人们还必须要有精力和勇气。这些精力和勇气应该来自于他们对他们所捍卫的生活方式的坚定信仰。我们所呼吁的强有力的行为，不应该是基于弃所有值得奋斗的事情于不顾。在让人民意识到他们在保卫美国的民主生活中所需要做的事情的方面，这个国家对于我们十分满意，并且从中获得了力量。这些事情让人们开始紧张起来，重新激发了他们的信仰，加强了他们对于所要保护的国家的奉献。
当然我们所有的人在这个时候都不应该停止思考作为社会革命根源的经济问题。社会革命是造成当今世界格局的首要因素。因为一个富强的民主政权的基础应该是没有什么神秘的。
人民所希冀的政治和经济体系都很简单，他们包括：
年轻人与其他人群平等的机会。
所有可劳动的人都可以得到工作。
需要安全的人可以得到安全。
终结少数人的特权。
所有的人享有公民自由。
享受科技进步的成果所带来的增长的生活水平。
这些简单基础的东西是在当今错综复杂的世界中绝不可缺少的。我们的政治和经济系统中内在的和持久的力量就是取决于对人民这些期望的完成程度。
许多与社会经济相关联的项目都需要立即得到改善。例如：
我们需要将更多的老年人纳入到养老保险和失业保险的体系中。
我们应该开放医疗保险的机会。
我们应该计划一个更好的体系，通过这个体系那些想要或应该获得工作的人都可以获得工作。
我已经向国民号召进行个人奉献了，而且我很肯定的是美国人民都会很愿意响应我的号召。一部分的奉献意味着将更多的收入用于缴税。在预算方面，我建议应该将这些多征收的税收用于大的国防项目的一部分开支，没有人应该会尝试着或被允许通过该项目发财。所缴纳税收应该与支付能力相符合的缴税原则将继续指导着我们的立法。如果国会能够遵循这些原则，那么那些将爱国主义置于经济利益之上的选民们将会为你们鼓掌。
在未来的日子里，我们将努力谋求安全，期待着一个建立在人类四种基本自由之上的世界来临。第一是在世界各地都有言论和表达的自由。第二是在世界各地人人都能以自己的方式崇拜上帝的自由。第三是免于匮乏的自由。这从全世界来说，指经济上的和谐，保证全世界每个国家的居民生活在健康与和平的时期。第四是免于恐惧的自由。这从世界范围来说，指全世界的军备裁减，以达到全世界任何国家都完完全全没有能力对其邻国发起武装侵略的程度。
这不是对一个遥远的幸福时代的梦想。这是我们这个时代、我们这一代人可以实现的一种世界的必须基础。这种世界与独裁者企图用炸弹建立起来的所谓暴政的“新秩序”完全相反。
我们提出一种更伟大的理念——道德秩序来反对那种新秩序。一个完善的社会同样可以毫不畏惧地应对世界统治和国外革命的阴谋。
美国有史以来，我们一直都致力于变革，一种长久的和平革命。这种革命随着环境的变化而悄无声息地不断自我调节，再没有集中营，也不用生石灰填沟壑。我们所追求的世界秩序是自由国家在一个友好、文明的社会里互相合作，共同努力。
我们国家已将自己的命运放在亿万自由男女的手中、脑中和心中，把对自由的信仰交由上帝指引。自由意味着处处人权至上，我们支持那些为获得和维护这些权利而奋斗的人们。我们的力量在于我们有共同的目标。
为这个崇高的信念而奋斗，不达胜利，誓不罢休。
