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布什限萨达姆四十八小时内离开伊拉克的电视讲话

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2018年06月15日

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布什限萨达姆四十八小时内离开伊拉克的电视讲话 英文版

My fellow citizens, events in Iraq have now reached the final days of decision. For more than a decade, the United States and other nations have pursued patient and honorable efforts to disarm the Iraqi regime without war. That regime pledged to reveal and destroy all its weapons of mass destruction as a condition for ending the Persian Gulf War in 1991.

Since then, the world has engaged in 12 years of diplomacy. We have passed more than a dozen resolutions in the United Nations Security Council. We have sent hundreds of weapons inspectors to oversee the disarmament of Iraq. Our good faith has not been returned.

The Iraqi regime has used diplomacy as a ploy to gain time and advantage. It has uniformly defied Security Council resolutions demanding full disarmament. Over the years, U.N. weapon inspectors have been threatened by Iraqi officials, electronically bugged, and systematically deceived. Peaceful efforts to disarm the Iraqi regime have failed again and again—because we are not dealing with peaceful men.

Intelligence gathered by this and other governments leaves no doubt that the Iraq regime continues to possess and conceal some of the most lethal weapons ever devised. This regime has already used weapons of mass destruction against Iraq’s neighbors and against Iraq’s people.

The regime has a history of reckless aggression in the Middle East. It has a deep hatred of America and our friends. And it has aided, trained and harbored terrorists, including operatives of al Qaeda.

The danger is clear: using chemical, biological or, one day, nuclear weapons, obtained with the help of Iraq, the terrorists could fulfill their stated ambitions and kill thousands or hundreds of thousands of innocent people in our country, or any other.

The United States and other nations did nothing to deserve or invite this threat. But we will do everything to defeat it. Instead of drifting along toward tragedy, we will set a course toward safety. Before the day of horror can come, before it is too late to act, this danger will be removed.

The United States of America has the sovereign authority to use force in assuring its own national security. That duty falls to me, as Commander-in-Chief, by the oath I have sworn, by the oath I will keep.

Recognizing the threat to our country, the United States Congress voted overwhelmingly last year to support the use of force against Iraq. America tried to work with the United Nations to address this threat because we wanted to resolve the issue peacefully. We believe in the mission of the United Nations. One reason the U.N. was founded after the second world war was to confront aggressive dictators, actively and early, before they can attack the innocent and destroy the peace.

In the case of Iraq, the Security Council did act, in the early 1990s. Under Resolutions 678 and 687—both still in effect—the United States and our allies are authorized to use force in ridding Iraq of weapons of mass destruction. This is not a question of authority, it is a question of will.

Last September, I went to the U.N. General Assembly and urged the nations of the world to unite and bring an end to this danger. On November 8th, the Security Council unanimously passed Resolution 1441, finding Iraq in material breach of its obligations, and vowing serious consequences if Iraq did not fully and immediately disarm.

Today, no nation can possibly claim that Iraq has disarmed. And it will not disarm so long as Saddam Hussein holds power. For the last four and a half months, the United States and our allies have worked within the Security Council to enforce that Council’s long-standing demands. Yet, some permanent members of the Security Council have publicly announced they will veto any resolution that compels the disarmament of Iraq. These governments share our assessment of the danger, but not our resolve to meet it. Many nations, however, do have the resolve and fortitude to act against this threat to peace, and a broad coalition is now gathering to enforce the just demands of the world. The United Nations Security Council has not lived up to its responsibilities, so we will rise to ours.

In recent days, some governments in the Middle East have been doing their part. They have delivered public and private messages urging the dictator to leave Iraq, so that disarmament can proceed peacefully. He has thus far refused. All the decades of deceit and cruelty have now reached an end. Saddam Hussein and his sons must leave Iraq within 48 hours. Their refusal to do so will result in military conflict, commenced at a time of our choosing. For their own safety, all foreign nationals—including journalists and inspectors—should leave Iraq immediately.

Many Iraqis can hear me tonight in a translated radio broadcast, and I have a message for them. If we must begin a military campaign, it will be directed against the lawless men who rule your country and not against you. As our coalition takes away their power, we will deliver the food and medicine you need. We will tear down the apparatus of terror and we will help you to build a new Iraq that is prosperous and free. In a free Iraq, there will be no more wars of aggression against your neighbors, no more poison factories, no more executions of dissidents, no more torture chambers and rape rooms. The tyrant will soon be gone. The day of your liberation is near.

It is too late for Saddam Hussein to remain in power. It is not too late for the Iraqi military to act with honor and protect your country by permitting the peaceful entry of coalition forces to eliminate weapons of mass destruction. Our forces will give Iraqi military units clear instructions on actions they can take to avoid being attacked and destroyed. I urge every member of the Iraqi military and intelligence services, if war comes, do not fight for a dying regime that is not worth your own life.

And all Iraqi military and civilian personnel should listen carefully to this warning. In any conflict, your fate will depend on your action. Do not destroy oil wells, a source of wealth that belongs to the Iraqi people. Do not obey any command to use weapons of mass destruction against anyone, including the Iraqi people. War crimes will be prosecuted. War criminals will be punished. And it will be no defense to say,“I was just following orders.”

Should Saddam Hussein choose confrontation, the American people can know that every measure has been taken to avoid war, and every measure will be taken to win it. Americans understand the costs of conflict because we have paid them in the past. War has no certainty, except the certainty of sacrifice.

Yet, the only way to reduce the harm and duration of war is to apply the full force and might of our military, and we are prepared to do so. If Saddam Hussein attempts to cling to power, he will remain a deadly foe until the end. In desperation, he and terrorists groups might try to conduct terrorist operations against the American people and our friends. These attacks are not inevitable. They are, however, possible. And this very fact underscores the reason we cannot live under the threat of blackmail. The terrorist threat to America and the world will be diminished the moment that Saddam Hussein is disarmed.

Our government is on heightened watch against these dangers. Just as we are preparing to ensure victory in Iraq, we are taking further actions to protect our homeland. In recent days, American authorities have expelled from the country certain individuals with ties to Iraqi intelligence services. Among other measures, I have directed additional security of our airports, and increased Coast Guard patrols of major seaports. The Department of Homeland Security is working closely with the nation’s governors to increase armed security at critical facilities across America.

Should enemies strike our country, they would be attempting to shift our attention with panic and weaken our morale with fear. In this, they would fail. No act of theirs can alter the course or shake the resolve of this country. We are a peaceful people—yet we’re not a fragile people, and we will not be intimidated by thugs and killers. If our enemies dare to strike us, they and all who have aided them, will face fearful consequences.

We are now acting because the risks of inaction would be far greater. In one year, or five years, the power of Iraq to inflict harm on all free nations would be multiplied many times over. With these capabilities, Saddam Hussein and his terrorist allies could choose the moment of deadly conflict when they are strongest. We choose to meet that threat now, where it arises, before it can appear suddenly in our skies and cities.

The cause of peace requires all free nations to recognize new and undeniable realities. In the 20th century, some chose to appease murderous dictators, whose threats were allowed to grow into genocide and global war. In this century, when evil men plot chemical, biological and nuclear terror, a policy of appeasement could bring destruction of a kind never before seen on this earth.

Terrorists and terror states do not reveal these threats with fair notice, in formal declarations—and responding to such enemies only after they have struck first is not self-defense, it is suicide. The security of the world requires disarming Saddam Hussein now.

As we enforce the just demands of the world, we will also honor the deepest commitments of our country. Unlike Saddam Hussein, we believe the Iraqi people are deserving and capable of human liberty. And when the dictator has departed, they can set an example to all the Middle East of a vital and peaceful and self-governing nation.

The United States, with other countries, will work to advance liberty and peace in that region. Our goal will not be achieved overnight, but it can come over time. The power and appeal of human liberty is felt in every life and every land. And the greatest power of freedom is to overcome hatred and violence, and turn the creative gifts of men and women to the pursuits of peace.

That is the future we choose. Free nations have a duty to defend our people by uniting against the violent. And tonight, as we have done before, America and our allies accept that responsibility.

Good night, and may God continue to bless America.

布什限萨达姆四十八小时内离开伊拉克的电视讲话 中文版

同胞们,伊拉克事态现已进入最后决定的时刻。十多年来,美国和其他国家进行了耐心和真诚的努力,以便不用战争方式解除伊拉克政权的武器。作为1991年海湾战争的停战条件,伊拉克政权保证公布并销毁其所有大规模毁灭性武器。

自那时起,全世界进行了十二年的外交努力。我们在联合国安理会通过了十多项决议。我们派出了数百名武器核查人员,监督伊拉克消除武器。我们的良好用心没有得到回报。

伊拉克政权一直把外交作为争取时间和优势的策略。它一贯违抗安理会要求其全面消除武器的各项决议。多年来,联合国武器核查人员遭到伊拉克官员的威胁,他们受到电子窃听和蓄意欺骗。和平解除伊拉克政权武器的努力一次次失败──因为我们面对的不是和平之士。

我国和其他政府收集的情报毫无疑问地说明,伊拉克政权继续拥有并隐藏某些有史以来最具杀伤力的武器。该政权已经对伊拉克的邻国和伊拉克人民使用过大规模毁灭性武器。

该政权有在中东地区肆意侵犯的历史。它对美国和美国的盟友怀着刻骨仇恨。它帮助、训练并庇护恐怖主义分子,其中包括“基地”组织成员。

危险是明显的:利用在伊拉克的帮助下获得的化学和生物武器,也许终有一天还会有核武器,恐怖主义分子可能实现他们昭彰的野心,在我国或其他任何国家,杀害成千上万无辜的民众。

美国和其他国家不应受到也没有招致这种威胁。但我们将竭尽全力击败它。我们不会随波逐流滑向悲剧的深渊,而是要开辟通往安全之路。在恐怖来临之前,在采取行动尚未太晚之时,必须铲除这一危险。

美国有使用武力确保自己国家安全的最高权力,作为总司令这一职责落在我的肩上。这既是我发过的誓言,也将是我信守的誓言。

美国国会认识到我国所面临的威胁,于去年以压倒多数的投票支持对伊拉克使用武力。美国同联合国一道努力对付这一威胁,因为我们希望和平解决这个问题。我们相信联合国的使命。在第二次世界大战之后成立联合国的原因之一,就是为了主动、及早地遏制侵略成性的独裁者,不让他们有可能对无辜者发动攻击和破坏和平。

在伊拉克问题上,安理会在20世纪90年代初确实采取过行动。仍然有效的第678和687号决议授权美国和美国的盟友用武力解除伊拉克的大规模毁灭性武器。这不是一个是否有授权的问题,而是一个是否有意愿的问题。

2002年9月,我在联合国大会上敦促世界各国团结起来结束这种危险。2002年11月8日,安理会一致通过第1441号决议,确定伊拉克实质性地违反了其义务,并郑重警告伊拉克,若不立即全面消除武器就将承担严重后果。

今天,没有一个国家能说伊拉克消除了武器。只要萨达姆还在掌权,伊拉克政权就不会消除武器。在过去的四个半月里,美国和美国的盟友一直在安理会内部为落实安理会的长期要求而努力。但某些安理会常任理事国却公开表示,他们将否决任何迫使伊拉克解除武器的决议。这些政府认同我们对危险的评估,但却不认同我们解除这种危险的决心。不过,很多国家确实有决心、有意志对和平的威胁予以反击,一个广泛的联盟目前正在形成,以落实全世界的正义要求。由于联合国安理会未能履行它的职责,我们将站出来承担我们的责任。

最近几天,一些中东国家一直在尽他们的努力。他们公开和不公开地传递信息,敦促这个独裁者离开伊拉克,以便使解除武器的工作和平地进行下去。到目前为止他拒不接受。几十年的欺骗和暴行行将告终,萨达姆和他的儿子们必须在48小时之内离开伊拉克。如果他们拒绝这么做将会导致军事冲突,开始时间由我们选择。所有外国人,包括新闻记者和核查人员,都应为自身安全起见立即离开伊拉克。

今晚,许多伊拉克人通过收音机广播翻译可以听到我的讲话,我在此向他们发出一个信息。如果我们必须开始军事行动,所针对的是那些统治你们国家的不法之徒而不是你们。在我们的联军解除他们权力的同时,我们将提供给你们所需要的食物和药品。我们将摧毁恐怖的机器,帮助你们建立一个繁荣而自由的新伊拉克。在自由的伊拉克,将不再有侵略你们邻国的战争,不再有毒气工厂,不再对持不同政见人士进行杀害,不再有酷刑室和强暴间。这个独裁者很快将一去不复返,你们获得解放的日子即将来临。

现在,萨达姆·侯赛因想要继续掌权已为时过晚。但是对伊拉克军队而言,采取正义的行动,通过让联军和平进入,销毁大规模毁灭性武器保护你们的国家,尚为时不晚。我们的军队将向伊拉克部队提供明确的指示,告诉他们可以采取何种行动来避免遭到攻击和被摧毁。我敦促伊拉克军队和情报部门的每位成员,一旦战争发生,不要为一个行将灭亡的政权而战,它不值得你们牺牲生命。

所有伊拉克军事和非军事人员必须仔细听取这一警告。在任何冲突中,你们的行为将决定你们的命运。不得摧毁油井,这一财富资源属于伊拉克人民。不得服从对包括伊拉克人民在内的任何人动用大规模毁灭性武器的命令。战争罪将受到起诉,战犯将受到惩罚。“我只是执行命令”将不能成为理由。

如果萨达姆·侯赛因选择对抗,美国人民将看到,我们已经为避免战争采取了一切措施,我们也将为赢得战争采取一切措施。美国人民懂得冲突的代价,因为我们过去已为此付出过代价。战争是无常的,而牺牲是必然的。

然而,减少战争伤害,缩短战争时间的唯一途经便是运用我军全部的力量和实力。我们已严阵以待,如果萨达姆·侯赛因妄图握权不放,他至死都将是我们的死敌。他和恐怖主义组织可能孤注一掷,对美国人民和我们的友邦发动恐怖袭击。这些袭击并非不可避免,但却是可能发生的。这一点更加突出说明我们为什么不能在讹诈的威胁中生活。萨达姆·侯赛因一旦被解除武器,恐怖主义对美国和世界的威胁就将减少。

我国政府提高了对这些危险的警戒。我们为确保在伊拉克获胜而进行准备的同时,也在采取进一步行动保护我国国土。近日美国有关当局将某些同伊拉克情报机构有关联的人驱逐出境。其他措施还包括我指示对我国机场加强保安,并且增加了海岸警卫队在重要海港的巡逻。国土安全部同全国各州州长密切合作,增加对全美各地重要设施的武装安全保卫。

敌人想通过对我国发动袭击,妄图制造惊慌来转移我们的注意力,制造恐惧来削弱我们的斗志。他们的企图不会得逞,他们的任何行动都不能改变我们的行动方向,也动摇不了我们国家的决心。我们是爱好和平的民族,然而我们不是脆弱的民族,我们不会被暴徒和杀人凶手所吓倒。如果敌人胆敢向我们发动攻击,他们及其所有支持者都将面临可怕的后果。

我们现在之所以采取行动是因为不行动的危险还要大得多。再过一年或者五年,伊拉克危害所有自由国家的力量将会成倍增加。有了这些能力,萨达姆·侯赛因及其恐怖主义同伙就可能选择在他们最有力量的时刻,挑起致命的冲突。我们选择现在这个时刻,在它刚刚产生,还未能突然出现在我们的天空和城市之前迎战这一威胁。

和平的事业要求所有自由国家认识到当前无可否认的现实。在20世纪,有些国家对杀人不眨眼的独裁者采取了绥靖政策,使其威胁得以发展成灭绝种族的大屠杀和全球大战。在21世纪,在邪恶之徒策划化学、生物和核恐怖之时,绥靖政策可能给地球带来的巨大破坏,将会是前所未见的。

恐怖主义分子和恐怖国家不会以开诚布公、正式宣布的方式来预示这样的威胁。面对这样的敌人,待他们出击之后再做回应,不是自卫而是自杀。世界安全要求现在就解除萨达姆·侯赛因的武器。

我们在执行世界的正义要求之际,还将信守我们国家深深的承诺。不同于萨达姆·侯赛因,我们认为伊拉克人民有权利并且有能力享有人类自由。在独裁者垮台后,他们能为整个中东树立一个极其重要的和平和自治国家的榜样。

美国将同其他国家一道努力推进那个地区的自由与和平。我们的目标不会在一夜之间实现,但是假以时日必将实现。每一个生命、每一片土地都能够感受到人类自由的力量和美好。自由的最大力量就是战胜仇恨和暴力,将人们的创造力转化为对和平的追求。

这就是我们选择的未来。自由国家有责任联合起来打击暴力之徒,保卫我们的人民。今晚,如同我们过去所做的一样,美国及盟国将承担这一责任。

晚安,愿上帝继续保佑美国。


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