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肯尼迪于1962年关于古巴导弹危机发表电视讲话

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2018年07月01日

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肯尼迪于1962年关于古巴导弹危机发表电视讲话 英文版

Good evening, my fellow citizens:

This Government, as promised, has maintained the closest surveillance of the Soviet military buildup on the island of Cuba. Within the past week, unmistakable evidence has established the fact that a series of offensive missile sites is now in preparation on that imprisoned island. The purpose of these bases can be none other than to provide a nuclear strike capability against the Western Hemisphere.

Upon receiving the first preliminary hard information of this nature last Tuesday morning at 9 A.M., I directed that our surveillance be stepped up. And having now confirmed and completed our evaluation of the evidence and our decision on a course of action, this Government feels obliged to report this new crisis to you in fullest detail.

The characteristics of these new missile sites indicate two distinct types of installations. Several of them include medium range ballistic missiles, capable of carrying a nuclear warhead for a distance of more than 1,000 nautical miles. Each of these missiles, in short, is capable of striking Washington, D. C., the Panama Canal, Cape Canaveral, Mexico City, or any other city in the southeastern part of the United States, in Central America, or in the Caribbean area.

Additional sites not yet completed appear to be designed for intermediate range ballistic missiles—capable of traveling more than twice as far—and thus capable of striking most of the major cities in the Western Hemisphere, ranging as far north as Hudson Bay, Canada, and as far south as Lima, Peru. In addition, jet bombers, capable of carrying nuclear weapons, are now being uncrated and assembled in Cuba, while the necessary air bases are being prepared.

This urgent transformation of Cuba into an important strategic base—by the presence of these large, long-range, and clearly offensive weapons of sudden mass destruction—constitutes an explicit threat to the peace and security of all the Americas, in flagrant and deliberate defiance of the Rio Pact of 1947, the traditions of this nation and hemisphere, the joint resolution of the 87th Congress, the Charter of the United Nations, and my own public warnings to the Soviets on September 4 and 13. This action also contradicts the repeated assurances of Soviet spokesmen, both publicly and privately delivered, that the arms buildup in Cuba would retain its original defensive character, and that the Soviet Union had no need or desire to station strategic missiles. on the territory of any other nation.

The size of this undertaking makes clear that it has been planned for some months. Yet, only last month, after I had made clear the distinction between any introduction of ground-to-ground missiles and the existence of defensive antiaircraft missiles, the Soviet Government publicly stated on September 11 that, and I quote, "the armaments and military equipment sent to Cuba are designed exclusively for defensive purposes," that there is, and I quote the Soviet Government, "there is no need for the Soviet Government to shift its weapons for a retaliatory blow to any other country, for instance Cuba," and that, and I quote their government, "the Soviet Union has so powerful rockets to carry these nuclear warheads that there is no need to search for sites for them beyond the boundaries of the Soviet Union."

That statement was false.

Only last Thursday, as evidence of this rapid offensive buildup was already in my hand, Soviet Foreign Minister Gromyko told me in my office that he was instructed to make it clear once again, as he said his government had already done, that Soviet assistance to Cuba, and I quote, "pursued solely the purpose of contributing to the defense capabilities of Cuba," that, and I quote him, "training by Soviet specialists of Cuban nationals in handling defensive armaments was by no means offensive, and if it were otherwise," Mr. Gromyko went on, "the Soviet Government would never become involved in rendering such assistance."

That statement also was false.

Neither the United States of America nor the world community of nations can tolerate deliberate deception and offensive threats on the part of any nation, large or small. We no longer live in a world where only the actual firing of weapons represents a sufficient challenge to a nation's security to constitute maximum peril. Nuclear weapons are so destructive and ballistic missiles are so swift, that any substantially increased possibility of their use or any sudden change in their deployment may well be regarded as a definite threat to peace.

For many years, both the Soviet Union and the United States, recognizing this fact, have deployed strategic nuclear weapons with great care, never upsetting the precarious status quo which insured that these weapons would not be used in the absence of some vital challenge. Our own strategic missiles have never been transferred to the territory of any other nation under a cloak of secrecy and deception; and our history—unlike that of the Soviets since the end of World War II—demonstrates that we have no desire to dominate or conquer any other nation or impose our system upon its people. Nevertheless, American citizens have become adjusted to living daily on the bull's-eye of Soviet missiles located inside the U.S.S.R. or in submarines.

In that sense, missiles in Cuba add to an already clear and present danger—although it should be noted the nations of Latin America have never previously been subjected to a potential nuclear threat. But this secret, swift, extraordinary buildup of Communist missiles—in an area well known to have a special and historical relationship to the United States and the nations of the Western Hemisphere, in violation of Soviet assurances, and in defiance of American and hemispheric policy—this sudden, clandestine decision to station strategic weapons for the first time outside of Soviet soil—is a deliberately provocative and unjustified change in the status quo which cannot be accepted by this country, if our courage and our commitments are ever to be trusted again by either friend or foe.

The 1930's taught us a clear lesson: aggressive conduct, if allowed to go unchecked and unchallenged, ultimately leads to war. This nation is opposed to war. We are also true to our word. Our unswerving objective, therefore, must be to prevent the use of these missiles against this or any other country, and to secure their withdrawal or elimination from the Western Hemisphere.

Our policy has been one of patience and restraint, as befits a peaceful and powerful nation which leads a worldwide alliance. We have been determined not to be diverted from our central concerns by mere irritants and fanatics. But now further action is required, and it is under way; and these actions may only be the beginning. We will not prematurely or unnecessarily risk the costs of worldwide nuclear war in which even the fruits of victory would be ashes in our mouth; but neither will we shrink from that risk at any time it must be faced.

Acting, therefore, in the defense of our own security and of the entire Western Hemisphere, and under the authority entrusted to me by the Constitution as endorsed by the Resolution of the Congress, I have directed that the following initial steps be taken immediately:

First: To halt this offensive buildup a strict quarantine on all offensive military equipment under shipment to Cuba is being initiated. All ships of any kind bound for Cuba from whatever nation or port will, if found to contain cargoes of offensive weapons, be turned back. This quarantine will be extended, if needed, to other types of cargo and carriers. We are not at this time, however, denying the necessities of life as the Soviets attempted to do in their Berlin blockade of 1948.

Second: I have directed the continued and increased close surveillance of Cuba and its military buildup. The foreign ministers of the OAS [Organization of American States], in their communiqué' of October 6, rejected secrecy on such matters in this hemisphere. Should these offensive military preparations continue, thus increasing the threat to the hemisphere, further action will be justified. I have directed the Armed Forces to prepare for any eventualities; and I trust that in the interest of both the Cuban people and the Soviet technicians at the sites, the hazards to all concerned of continuing this threat will be recognized.

Third: It shall be the policy of this nation to regard any nuclear missile launched from Cuba against any nation in the Western Hemisphere as an attack by the Soviet Union on the United States, requiring a full retaliatory response upon the Soviet Union.

Fourth: As a necessary military precaution, I have reinforced our base at Guantanamo, evacuated today the dependents of our personnel there, and ordered additional military units to be on a standby alert basis.

Fifth: We are calling tonight for an immediate meeting of the Organ[ization] of Consultation under the Organization of American States, to consider this threat to hemispheric security and to invoke articles 6 and 8 of the Rio Treaty in support of all necessary action. The United Nations Charter allows for regional security arrangements, and the nations of this hemisphere decided long ago against the military presence of outside powers. Our other allies around the world have also been alerted.

Sixth: Under the Charter of the United Nations, we are asking tonight that an emergency meeting of the Security Council be convoked without delay to take action against this latest Soviet threat to world peace. Our resolution will call for the prompt dismantling and withdrawal of all offensive weapons in Cuba, under the supervision of U.N. observers, before the quarantine can be lifted.

Seventh and finally: I call upon Chairman Khrushchev to halt and eliminate this clandestine, reckless, and provocative threat to world peace and to stable relations between our two nations. I call upon him further to abandon this course of world domination, and to join in an historic effort to end the perilous arms race and to transform the history of man. He has an opportunity now to move the world back from the abyss of destruction by returning to his government's own words that it had no need to station missiles outside its own territory, and withdrawing these weapons from Cuba by refraining from any action which will widen or deepen the present crisis, and then by participating in a search for peaceful and permanent solutions.

This nation is prepared to present its case against the Soviet threat to peace, and our own proposals for a peaceful world, at any time and in any forum—in the OAS, in the United Nations, or in any other meeting that could be useful—without limiting our freedom of action. We have in the past made strenuous efforts to limit the spread of nuclear weapons. We have proposed the elimination of all arms and military bases in a fair and effective disarmament treaty. We are prepared to discuss new proposals for the removal of tensions on both sides, including the possibilities of a genuinely independent Cuba, free to determine its own destiny. We have no wish to war with the Soviet Union—for we are a peaceful people who desire to live in peace with all other peoples.

But it is difficult to settle or even discuss these problems in an atmosphere of intimidation. That is why this latest Soviet threat—or any other threat which is made either independently or in response to our actions this week— must and will be met with determination. Any hostile move anywhere in the world against the safety and freedom of peoples to whom we are committed, including in particular the brave people of West Berlin, will be met by whatever action is needed.

Finally, I want to say a few words to the captive people of Cuba, to whom this speech is being directly carried by special radio facilities. I speak to you as a friend, as one who knows of your deep attachment to your fatherland, as one who shares your aspirations for liberty and justice for all. And I have watched and the American people have watched with deep sorrow how your nationalist revolution was betrayed—and how your fatherland fell under foreign domination. Now your leaders are no longer Cuban leaders inspired by Cuban ideals. They are puppets and agents of an international conspiracy which has turned Cuba against your friends and neighbors in the Americas, and turned it into the first Latin American country to become a target for nuclear war—the first Latin American country to have these weapons on its soil.

These new weapons are not in your interest. They contribute nothing to your peace and well-being. They can only undermine it. But this country has no wish to cause you to suffer or to impose any system upon you. We know that your lives and land are being used as pawns by those who deny your freedom. Many times in the past, the Cuban people have risen to throw out tyrants who destroyed their liberty. And I have no doubt that most Cubans today look forward to the time when they will be truly free—free from foreign domination, free to choose their own leaders, free to select their own system, free to own their own land, free to speak and write and worship without fear or degradation. And then shall Cuba be welcomed back to the society of free nations and to the associations of this hemisphere.

My fellow citizens, let no one doubt that this is a difficult and dangerous effort on which we have set out. No one can foresee precisely what course it will take or what costs or casualties will be incurred. Many months of sacrifice and self-discipline lie ahead—months in which both our patience and our will will be tested, months in which many threats and denunciations will keep us aware of our dangers. But the greatest danger of all would be to do nothing.

The path we have chosen for the present is full of hazards, as all paths are; but it is the one most consistent with our character and courage as a nation and our commitments around the world. The cost of freedom is always high, but Americans have always paid it. And one path we shall never choose, and that is the path of surrender or submission.

Our goal is not the victory of might, but the vindication of right; not peace at the expense of freedom, but both peace and freedom, here in this hemisphere, and, we hope, around the world. God willing, that goal will be achieved.

Thank you and good night.

肯尼迪于1962年关于古巴导弹危机发表电视讲话 中文版

晚上好,我的同胞们:

本政府一直如承诺地,对古巴岛上的苏联军事建设保持着最密切的留意。在上周,有清晰的证据显示了这样的事实,在那个被囚禁的小岛上,一系列进攻性导弹场地正处在建设中。这些基地除了提供针对西半球的核打击能力,实在找不出存在的其他目的。

在上个星期二早上9点,我一收到第一份该性质的初步严峻情报,就指示把我们的监视升级。现在证据已获证实,并完成了证据评估和我们对采取行动所做的决策。本政府觉得有责任向你们报告这场新危机最详细的情况。

这些新导弹场地的特点明确表明是两种不同类型的安装。其中包括一些能够携带射程超过1000海里的核弹头的中程弹道导弹。简单地讲,每枚这样的导弹都能够对华盛顿特区、巴拿马运河、卡纳维拉尔角、墨西哥城,或美国东南部、中美洲、加勒比地区的任何其他城市进行打击。

另外尚未完工的场地,看来是被用于射程超过上面所说导弹2倍的中程导弹,进而能够打击最北至加拿大哈得森湾,最南至秘鲁利马的西半球大多数主要城市。另外,能够携带核武器的喷气式轰炸机已运抵古巴开始组装,配套的空军基地也在建设中。

这些大型、远程而且明显具攻击性的武器能在瞬间形成大规模杀伤力,它们的出现说明古巴已经急速蜕变为一个战略要地,这对所有美国人的和平和安全构成了明确的威胁。是对1947年里约协定,美国与西半球的传统,87届联大联合决议,联合国宪章以及我在9月3日和13日对苏联所做警告进行公然和蓄意的挑衅。该行为也与苏联发言人在公开和私下场合反复透露的保证——在古巴的军事建设仍然是防御性质,苏联不需要或没有必要在任何其他国家领土上布置战略导弹相矛盾。

这些工程的规模清晰的表明,对方已经计划了数月。然而就是上个月,在我对引入的地地导弹和现有防空导弹之间做出了明确界定后,苏联政府在9月11日做了公开声明,我来引用:“运往古巴的武器和军事设施专门用于防御目的。”这里还有:“苏联政府不需要为了报复性还击,把武器运到任何其他国家。”我再引用:“苏联有威力强大的火箭足以运送核弹头,不需要在苏联国界外寻求基地。”

这个声明是假的。

就在上个星期四,当我已经掌握了进攻性工事在快速兴建的证据时,苏联外相葛罗米柯在我的办公室告诉我,他获得指示再向我澄清一遍。他说他的政府即苏联对古巴实行的援助,我这里引用:“仅仅是为了增加古巴的防御能力。”我再引用:“苏联专家是训练古巴人掌握防御性武器,如果该培训包含其他内容也决不具进攻性质。”他接着说:“苏联政府绝对不会提供这样的援助。”

这个声明又是假的。

美国和国际社会都无法容忍对任何国家,无论大小,进行蓄意的欺骗和进攻威胁。我们将要居住在一个炮火纷飞的真实世界,这代表了对一个国家安全的极大挑战,构成了最大的威胁。核武器威力惊人,而弹道导弹的速度又如此之快,任何它们使用机会的实质性增加,或它们的部署发生任何突然的变化,都会被当做对和平构成明确的威胁。

多年来,美国和苏联都认识到了这个事实,小心翼翼地开发战略核武器,决不扰乱这些武器的不稳定现状,保证它们不得在非紧要关头使用。我国的核武器从来没有在诡秘和欺骗的外衣下,被转移到其他任何国家的领土上;我们的历史也不像苏联自二战结束以来的历史,说明我们没有欲望支配或征服其他任何国家或把我们的制度强加给其他国家的人民。然而,美国人民却要适应每天在苏联导弹或潜艇的靶心下生活。

从这个意义上讲,古巴的导弹已经明显加剧了现实的威胁。尽管要注意的是拉美国家以前从来没受到过潜在的核威胁,但苏联导弹这样秘密、快速和不寻常的建立,而且在一个众所周知对美国和西半球国家有特殊和历史关系的地区。这违反了苏联的保证,是对美国和西半球政策的挑衅。这种突然秘密地把战略武器首次部署在苏联国土以外的决策是蓄意挑衅,如果要我们的朋友或敌人再次相信我们的勇气和承诺,那我国就不能接受对现状进行目中无人的改变。

20世纪30年代的现实给我们上了清楚的一课,进攻性行为如果不加节制和未受到还击,最终会滑向战争。美国反对战争,但我们也不食言。因此我们的目标是必须至死不渝地防止,针对美国或任何其他国家使用这些导弹,并确保其从西半球撤除或拆毁。

忍耐和克制一直是我们的政策之一,这让一个领导世界联盟的,和平而强大的国家受益。我们的关注中心也肯定不仅仅是刺激和狂躁。但现在要采取进一步的行动,已经在进行中了。这些行动还只是个开始。即使我们尝不到胜利的果实,也不会过早地或没有必要冒造成世界核大战的风险,但无论何时,面对必须要冒的风险,我们也决不退缩。

因此要采取行动来保卫我们和整个西半球的安全,根据宪法赋予我的权力并经国会决议批准,我指示立即采取以下初步步骤。

首先,暂停该进攻性建筑工事,开始对所有运往古巴的进攻性军事设备进行严格盘查。无论从哪个国家或港口驶往古巴的任何船只,如果被发现货物中包含进攻性武器都必须返回。如果需要,这样的盘查将扩大到其他类型的货物和运输工具。不过此时我们不会拒绝生活必需品的输入,就像苏联在1948年封锁柏林时那样。

第二,我指示对古巴和其军事工事进行持续的更严密监视。美洲国家组织的外长在10月6日的公告中,拒绝对事关整个西半球的事态进行保密。如果这些进攻性军事准备继续下去,对西半球的威胁就进而增大了,会有进一步的行动。我已经命令陆海空三军准备应对任何出现的可能性,而我也相信从那些在基地的古巴人和苏联技师的利益考虑,这样的威胁继续下去会被认为对所有各方都构成危害。

第三,我国的政策是,从古巴发射的针对西半球任何国家的任何核弹,都将被看作是苏联对美国的攻击,都会对苏联采取全面的报复。

第四,作为必要的军事戒备,我加强了我们在关塔纳摩的基地,今天撤离了那里人员的家属,并下令更多军事单位进驻,处于待命警戒状态。

第五,为了考虑该威胁对西半球的安全和援引里约条约第6条和第8条来支持所有必要的行动,我要求立即召开美洲国家组织协商会议。联合国宪章允许对地区安全进行安排,西半球国家很早以前就决定了反对来自该区域以外军事力量的存在。我们在全世界的其他盟国也已接获警报。

第六,根据联合国宪章,我们要求立刻召开安理会紧急会议,对苏联最近对世界和平的威胁采取行动。我们的解决方案是在盘查升级之前,呼吁在联合国观察员的监督下,立刻拆除并撤走所有在古巴的进攻性武器。

第七,我呼吁赫鲁晓夫主席暂停和消除这种对世界和平进行的秘密、不顾后果和挑衅性的威胁,并稳定我们两国的关系。我呼吁他进一步摒弃这种支配世界的做法,加入到终结危险军备竞赛和改变人类历史的历史性努力中。现在他有机会把世界从毁灭的深渊中拉回来,做到这点只要他的政府能够信守诺言——不需要在其领土外部署导弹,从古巴撤走这些武器来控制任何会扩大或加剧现有危机的活动,寻求一个和平和永久的解决方法。

美国准备在任何时候,无论是在美洲国家组织,联合国或任何其他有帮助的会议上,在我们的自由不受限制的情况下,讨论苏联对和平的威胁和我们对世界和平的提议。我们过去做出了艰苦的努力来限制核武器的扩散。我们打算用公平和有效的裁军条约来消除所有的军事和武装基地。我们还准备讨论消除双方紧张的新提案,包括古巴真正独立,自己决定其命运的可能性。我们不希望同苏联开战,因为我们是一个想同所有其他民族和平相处的民族。

但在被胁迫的气氛中很难解决,甚至讨论这些问题。这就是为什么苏联最近的威胁或任何其他单独或针对我们本周所采取活动的威胁必须要被果断解决的原因。对世界上任何地方都得到美国承诺的人民的安全和自由采取敌对行动,尤其包括西柏林那些勇敢的人民,无论采取什么行动都必须被解决。

最后我想对被压制的古巴人民,对通过特殊收听器材直接听到该演讲的人说几句话。我是以一个朋友,一个深知你们对祖国深深依恋的人,一个和你们分享对自由和正义的渴望的人在对你们说话。我和美国人民对你们的国民革命如何被出卖,你们的祖国如何向外国势力臣服表示深切的遗憾。现在你们的领导人不再是心中有古巴的领导人。他们是被国际阴谋所操纵的傀儡和代理人,想把古巴变成核大战的目标。古巴是第一个在自己的土地上拥有这些武器的拉美国家。

这些新式武器不代表你们的利益,它们对你们的和平和幸福起不到任何贡献,只能伤害你们的和平和幸福。但美国不想让你们遭受痛苦或把任何制度强加给你们。我们知道你们的生命和国家正被否定你们自由的人扣为抵押品。古巴人民过去多次起义推翻破坏他们自由的暴君。我深信大多数古巴人现在都期待着他们能真正自由的那天——不受外国支配,自由选择自己的领导人,自由地选择自己的制度,自由地拥有国家,自由发言和出版,不需要伴随着恐惧或蔑视人格的崇拜。而那时将欢迎古巴重返自由国家的社会和西半球大家庭。

我的同胞们,不要怀疑我们付出的努力有多困难和危险。没有人能真正预见会采取什么行动,或付出什么代价或遭到什么伤亡。今后的几个月要准备牺牲和克制,这几个月我们的耐心和意愿将接受考验,这几个月许多威胁和谴责能让我们意识到危险。但最大的危险是什么都不做。

像所有的路一样,我们现在选择了一条充满危险的路,但这是与我们国家的特点和勇气以及美国对全世界的承诺最一致的一条路。自由的代价一直很高,但美国人总是愿意为此付出。有一条路我们绝对不会选择,那就是投降或屈服。

我们的目标不是胜利,而是辩明权利。不仅西半球,我们希望全世界都不以自由为代价来换取和平,而是同时拥有自由与和平。上帝保佑,这个目标必将实现。

谢谢大家并祝大家晚安。


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