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金融时报:“法国黑”,高级黑?

所属教程:金融时报原文阅读

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2022年03月21日

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“法国黑”,高级黑?

美国企业高管抨击法国工人低效懒惰,一天只干三小时,法国人说这是“反法情绪”。巴黎政治学院教授、前LSE院长霍华德·戴维斯令人信服地指出:他这么黑不对,法国经济的优势和劣势都很突出。

测试中可能遇到的词汇和知识:

19th-hole 高尔夫俚语,标准的高尔夫赛只有18洞,19洞指的是球场的酒吧或饭馆,球手们进行社交活动的地方。或指18洞打平后的加赛。

tirade [taɪ'reɪd] n.激烈的长篇演说

the hexagon 六边形,六角形,指法国

Légion d’honneur Legion of Honor 荣誉军团勋章,是法国政府对有杰出贡献者颁发的荣誉称号,1802年拿破仑设立。巴金、金庸、李嘉诚等华人曾获颁。

shoehorn|n. 鞋拔;vt. 硬塞进

addressee[,ædre'siː] n.收件人

grandiloquent[græn'dɪləkwənt] adj.大言不惭的

chalice['tʃælɪs] n.圣餐杯;酒杯

diatribe['daɪətraɪb] n.诽谤;恶骂

‘Le French-bashing’ misses the mark (1017 words)

By Howard Davies

Maurice Taylor, chief executive of the Titan tyre company, first came to public attention in the US in 1996 when he ran, or rather stumbled, for the presidency. He spent a lot of his own money to earn about 1 per cent of the vote in the Republican primaries he entered, and published a manifesto of sorts entitled Kill All the Lawyers and Other Ways to Fix the Government. It is clear that he has a 19th-hole ideology, and a sense of humour to match.

The French have, perhaps to their credit, failed to see the joke in his tirade against their workers, trade unions, government and pretty much everyone else in the hexagon. “Titan is going to buy a Chinese tyre company or an Indian one, pay less than one euro per hour and ship all the tyres France needs. You can keep the so-called workers,” he wrote in a letter, a copy of which was published this week in Les Echos. “Outraged of Paris” has been loud in his condemnation. We may take it that Mr Taylor will not be a candidate for the Légion d’honneur in the Socialist Republic of Hollande.

The French are rather sensitive these days to what they see as “le French-bashing”. They think nobody loves them. They are inclined to see signs of an Anglo-Saxon conspiracy involving credit rating agencies (why did they downgrade France but not, until Friday night, the UK?), the British press (led by The Economist), prime minister David Cameron with his proffered red carpet for exiled entrepreneurs, and now multinationals such as Titan and ArcelorMittal. It may be tough to shoehorn Indian steel magnate Lakshmi Mittal into the Anglo-Saxon box, but needs must. Even their formerly reliable allies across the Rhine have been joining in. It just isn’t fair.

The lightning rod for these attacks, and addressee of Mr Taylor’s letter, is Arnaud Montebourg, the minister for redressement productif or industrial renewal – a grandiloquent title that might be thought to be asking for trouble in recessionary times. Mr Montebourg was a threat to President François Hollande in the Socialist party primaries, attacking him from the left. In an earlier manifestation, he was spokesman for Ségolène Royal’s presidential campaign in 2007, remarking that she had only one fault: her partner, at that time Mr Hollande. There may be quiet satisfaction in the Elysée that the chalice offered to Mr Montebourg has proved quite as poisoned as it has.

The notion, encouraged by Mr Montebourg, that the government is the victim of a co-ordinated attack by these disparate forces is absurd, but just because the French are paranoid doesn’t mean people are not out to get them. There is a narrative that says France is becoming the sick man of Europe, with a stagnant economy, stubbornly high unemployment, a persistent trade deficit and a budget deficit highly likely to exceed the 3 per cent target to which the government is committed through the Maastricht treaty, exposing it to the threat of EU criticism and possibly sanctions. That critique is not heard only in London or Washington: many French economists are anxious, too. There is no shortage of dissent in Paris itself.

Therefore, despite Mr Taylor’s eccentric phraseology – “How stupid do you think we are?” – his letter to Mr Montebourg fell on fertile ground. The problem is that he has taken aim at the wrong target, and attacked the French at their strongest point. With enemies such as Mr Taylor, the French have no need of friends. Indeed, his attack on feckless workers suggests he may be a few treads short of a radial.

Because the truth is that the productivity of French workers is not at all bad. The French do work fewer hours than most comparable nations. They work, on average, 16 per cent fewer hours than the OECD average, and 25 per cent fewer than the industrialised Asian nations. Yet their output per hour compares very well. A UBS study from 2009 showed that annual French output was $36,500 per head, compared with $44,150 in the US. But on average the French work 1,453 hours a year, while their American counterparts are clocked in for 1,792 hours. So on a per hour basis the French produce $25, and the Americans $24.60. Not a huge difference, perhaps, but it certainly does not suggest that French workers – while they are on site – are on a permanent coffee break, or drinking a ballon de rouge behind the bike sheds.

Figures from the UK’s Office for National Statistics tell a similar story. Productivity per hour in France is about 15 per cent higher than in the UK, and almost on a par with Germany’s. The French are able to produce a remarkable amount in their short working week. We should not be astonished by these numbers. They reflect, in part, higher investment per head in France, compared with the US and the UK. Last month’s report from the LSE Growth Commission showed that in the past 35 years, investment in France has been higher than that in Anglo-Saxon economies by about 3-4 per cent of gross domestic product.

France’s primary problem is not the productivity of those in work. It is that restrictive labour laws penalise hiring, which leads in turn to higher unemployment. The “ins” are protected from the “outs”, which tends to increase labour costs. France’s costs have been rising more rapidly than Germany’s, so its competitiveness has deteriorated. Unemployment contributes to the budget problem through increased welfare payments, and makes cutting public-sector jobs more difficult.

Mr Taylor has, therefore, missed the point entirely in his intemperate diatribe. Guy Mollet, the former French trade union leader, once said that France had the most stupid rightwing politicians in the world. The recent comic opera antics of François Fillon and Jean-François Copé, who both seek to succeed Nicolas Sarkozy as head of the centre-right UMP party, have lent support to his point of view. But Mr Taylor has shown that the French right have no monopoly on back-to-front arguments.

请根据你所读到的文章内容,完成以下自测题目:

1.What is correct about “le French-bashing”?

A. The French think nobody loves them.

B. It is a term coined by British press.

C. Anglo-Saxon credit rating firms downgraded France but not the UK.

D. None of above.

答案(1)

2.Which of the following is not one of France's economic problems?

A. High unemployment.

B. High inflation.

C. A persistent trade deficit.

D. A budget deficit.

答案(2)

3.Why Mr. Taylor "attacked the French at their strongest point"?

A. French workers are not at all lazy, they work as many hours as workers in US or UK.

B. Frenchmen's hourly productivity is higher than Anglo-Saxons'.

C. Workers are better protected and taken care of by the state.

D. Investment in France has been higher than in Anglo-Saxon economies.

答案(3)

4.What's the writer's opinion toward Minister Montebourg?

A. He should not have helped Ségolène Royal and attacked Hollande.

B. He was a threat to Hollande in the Socialist party primaries.

C. The Elysée is satisfied about his work, even he's having a hard time.

D. He may not be able to push forward "industrial renewal".

答案(4)

* * *

(1) 答案:A.The French think nobody loves them.

解释:“反法情绪”显然是自恋而敏感的法国人发明的词汇。他们对于美国评级机构早早降级法国却只在上周才降级英国感到不满,而 以《经济学人》为首的英国媒体又连篇累牍的把法国描述为“欧元区中心的一颗定时炸弹”。

(2) 答案:B.High inflation.

解释:ACD都是法国的问题,但还没有高通胀率。高失业和a stagnant economy说明经济活力和信心不足, 持续的贸易赤字说明经济竞争力不足(同样没有汇率的问题的德国长期保持贸易盈余),而长期的财政赤字说明有结构性财政问题。 衡量公众对经济状况不满程度,可以用痛苦指数Misery index。

(3) 答案:B.Frenchmen's hourly productivity is higher than Anglo-Saxons'.

解释:你需要在好几个数字中迅速归纳出关键信息。作者列举数据说明对法国工人“低效”的抨击是错的,虽然他们的工时短,但是小时生产率比英美都高。

为什么?作者认为,部分归功于法国长期的投资占GDP比,比英美高3-4%。更高的资本积累,意味着更好的设施(固定资本)和更高的受教育水平(人力资本)。

至于C,作者指出,The “ins” are protected from the “outs”是造成失业的原因之一,而失业带来的福利开支让政府减赤困难,且更不敢削减公共部门雇员,这才是症结。

(4) 答案:D.He may not be able to push forward "industrial renewal".

解释:作者说,industrial renewal这个夸大其词的头衔,听起来就像是到处找麻烦的。作者并未表露出A观点,B是事实而非观点,C我们并不知道。而作者揶揄到,奥朗德给自己曾经的对手一个酒杯——部长职位,可这是给他下毒啊。

《金融时报》原文阅读精选集


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