American Rhetoric: Spiro Agnew -- Television News Coverage (Nov 1... Page 1 of 9
Spiro Theodore Agnew
Television News Coverage
delivered 13 November 1969, Des Moines, IA
Audio mp3 Excerpt of Speech
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American Rhetoric: Spiro Agnew -- Television News Coverage (Nov 1... Page 2 of 9
I think it's obvious from the cameras here that I didn't come to discuss 
the ban on cyclamates or DDT. I have a subject which I think if of great 
importance to the American people. Tonight I want to discuss the
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importance of the television news medium to the American people. No
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nation depends more on the intelligent judgment of its citizens. No
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medium has a more profound influence over public opinion. Nowhere in
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our system are there fewer checks on vast power. So, nowhere should
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there be more conscientious responsibility exercised than by the news
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media. The question is, "Are we demanding enough of our television 
news presentations?" "And are the men of this medium demanding 
enough of themselves?"
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Monday night a week ago, President Nixon delivered the most important
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address of his Administration, one of the most important of our decade.
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His subject was Vietnam. My hope, as his at that time, was to rally the
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American people to see the conflict through to a lasting and just peace
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in the Pacific. For 32 minutes, he reasoned with a nation that has www.cente 
suffered almost a third of a million casualties in the longest war in its 
history.
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When the President completed his address --an address, incidentally,
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that he spent weeks in the preparation of --his words and policies were
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subjected to instant analysis and querulous criticism. The audience of 70
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million Americans gathered to hear the President of the United States
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was inherited by a small band of network commentators and self-
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appointed analysts, the majority of whom expressed in one way or
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another their hostility to what he had to say.
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It was obvious that their minds were made up in advance. Those who
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recall the fumbling and groping that followed President Johnson’s
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dramatic disclosure of his intention not to seek another term have seen
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these men in a genuine state of nonpreparedness. This was not it.
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One commentator twice contradicted the President’s statement about yours? F 
the exchange of correspondence with Ho Chi Minh. Another challenged www.RealT 
the President’s abilities as a politician. A third asserted that the 
President was following a Pentagon line. Others, by the expressions on 
their faces, the tone of their questions, and the sarcasm of their 
responses, made clear their sharp disapproval.
To guarantee in advance that the President’s plea for national unity 
would be challenged, one network trotted out Averell Harriman for the 
occasion. Throughout the President's address, he waited in the wings. 
When the President concluded, Mr. Harriman recited perfectly. He 
attacked the Thieu Government as unrepresentative; he criticized the 
President’s speech for various deficiencies; he twice issued a call to the 
Senate Foreign Relations Committee to debate Vietnam once again; he 
stated his belief that the Vietcong or North Vietnamese did not really 
want military take-over of South Vietnam; and he told a little anecdote 
about a “very, very responsible” fellow he had met in the North 
Vietnamese delegation.
All in all, Mr. Harrison offered a broad range of gratuitous advice 
challenging and contradicting the policies outlined by the President of 
the United States. Where the President had issued a call for unity, Mr. 
Harriman was encouraging the country not to listen to him.
A word about Mr. Harriman. For 10 months he was America’s chief
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American Rhetoric: Spiro Agnew -- Television News Coverage (Nov 1... Page 3 of 9
negotiator at the Paris peace talks --a period in which the United States 
swapped some of the greatest military concessions in the history of 
warfare for an enemy agreement on the shape of the bargaining table. 
Like Coleridge’s Ancient Mariner, Mr. Harriman seems to be under some 
heavy compulsion to justify his failures to anyone who will listen. And 
the networks have shown themselves willing to give him all the air time 
he desires.
Now every American has a right to disagree with the President of the 
United States and to express publicly that disagreement. But the 
President of the United States has a right to communicate directly with 
the people who elected him, and the people of this country have the 
right to make up their own minds and form their own opinions about a 
Presidential address without having a President’s words and thoughts 
characterized through the prejudices of hostile critics before they can 
even be digested.
When Winston Churchill rallied public opinion to stay the course against 
Hitler’s Germany, he didn’t have to contend with a gaggle of 
commentators raising doubts about whether he was reading public 
opinion right, or whether Britain had the stamina to see the war 
through. When President Kennedy rallied the nation in the Cuban missile 
crisis, his address to the people was not chewed over by a roundtable of 
critics who disparaged the course of action he’d asked America to follow.
The purpose of my remarks tonight is to focus your attention on this 
little group of men who not only enjoy a right of instant rebuttal to 
every Presidential address, but, more importantly, wield a free hand in 
selecting, presenting, and interpreting the great issues in our nation. 
First, let’s define that power.
At least 40 million Americans every night, it’s estimated, watch the 
network news. Seven million of them view A.B.C., the remainder being 
divided between N.B.C. and C.B.S. According to Harris polls and other 
studies, for millions of Americans the networks are the sole source of 
national and world news. In Will Roger’s observation, what you knew 
was what you read in the newspaper. Today for growing millions of 
Americans, it’s what they see and hear on their television sets.
Now how is this network news determined? A small group of men, 
numbering perhaps no more than a dozen anchormen, commentators, 
and executive producers, settle upon the 20 minutes or so of film and 
commentary that’s to reach the public. This selection is made from the 
90 to 180 minutes that may be available. Their powers of choice are 
broad.
They decide what 40 to 50 million Americans will learn of the day’s 
events in the nation and in the world. We cannot measure this power 
and influence by the traditional democratic standards, for these men can 
create national issues overnight. They can make or break by their 
coverage and commentary a moratorium on the war. They can elevate 
men from obscurity to national prominence within a week. They can 
reward some politicians with national exposure and ignore others.
For millions of Americans the network reporter who covers a continuing 
issue --like the ABM or civil rights --becomes, in effect, the presiding 
judge in a national trial by jury.
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It must be recognized that the networks have made important 
contributions to the national knowledge --through news, 
documentaries, and specials. They have often used their power 
constructively and creatively to awaken the public conscience to critical 
problems. The networks made hunger and black lung disease national 
issues overnight. The TV networks have done what no other medium 
could have done in terms of dramatizing the horrors of war. The 
networks have tackled our most difficult social problems with a 
directness and an immediacy that’s the gift of their medium. They focus 
the nation’s attention on its environmental abuses --on pollution in the 
Great Lakes and the threatened ecology of the Everglades. But it was 
also the networks that elevated Stokely Carmichael and George Lincoln 
Rockwell from obscurity to national prominence.
Nor is their power confined to the substantive. A raised eyebrow, an 
inflection of the voice, a caustic remark dropped in the middle of a 
broadcast can raise doubts in a million minds about the veracity of a 
public official or the wisdom of a Government policy. One Federal 
Communications Commissioner considers the powers of the networks 
equal to that of local, state, and Federal Governments all combined. 
Certainly it represents a concentration of power over American public 
opinion unknown in history.
Now what do Americans know of the men who wield this power? Of the 
men who produce and direct the network news, the nation knows 
practically nothing. Of the commentators, most Americans know little 
other than that they reflect an urbane and assured presence seemingly 
well-informed on every important matter. We do know that to a man 
these commentators and producers live and work in the geographical 
and intellectual confines of Washington, D.C., or New York City, the 
latter of which James Reston terms the most unrepresentative 
community in the entire United States.
Both communities bask in their own provincialism, their own 
parochialism.
We can deduce that these men read the same newspapers. They draw 
their political and social views from the same sources. Worse, they talk 
constantly to one another, thereby providing artificial reinforcement to 
their shared viewpoints. Do they allow their biases to influence the 
selection and presentation of the news? David Brinkley states objectivity 
is impossible to normal human behavior. Rather, he says, we should 
strive for fairness.
Another anchorman on a network news show contends, and I quote: 
“You can’t expunge all your private convictions just because you sit in a 
seat like this and a camera starts to stare at you. I think your program 
has to reflect what your basic feelings are. I’ll plead guilty to that.”
Less than a week before the 1968 election, this same commentator 
charged that President Nixon’s campaign commitments were no more 
durable than campaign balloons. He claimed that, were it not for the 
fear of hostile reaction, Richard Nixon would be giving into, and I quote 
him exactly, “his natural instinct to smash the enemy with a club or go 
after him with a meat axe.”
Had this slander been made by one political candidate about another, it 
would have been dismissed by most commentators as a partisan attack.
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But this attack emanated from the privileged sanctuary of a network 
studio and therefore had the apparent dignity of an objective statement. 
The American people would rightly not tolerate this concentration of 
power in Government. Is it not fair and relevant to question its Public S 
concentration in the hands of a tiny, enclosed fraternity of privileged Here's A 
men elected by no one and enjoying a monopoly sanctioned and To Spea 
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The views of the majority of this fraternity do not --and I repeat, not -- 
represent the views of America. That is why such a great gulf existed 
between how the nation received the President’s address and how the 
networks reviewed it. Not only did the country receive the President’s 50th/60 
speech more warmly than the networks, but so also did the Congress of Speech 
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Yesterday, the President was notified that 300 individual Congressmen
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and 50 Senators of both parties had endorsed his efforts for peace. As
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with other American institutions, perhaps it is time that the networks 
were made more responsive to the views of the nation and more 
responsible to the people they serve.
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Now I want to make myself perfectly clear. I’m not asking for
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Government censorship or any other kind of censorship. I am asking
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whether a form of censorship already exists when the news that 40
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million Americans receive each night is determined by a handful of men
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responsible only to their corporate employers and is filtered through a
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handful of commentators who admit to their own set of biases.
The question I’m raising here tonight should have been raised by others 
long ago. They should have been raised by those Americans who have Free Vid
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traditionally considered the preservation of freedom of speech and
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freedom of the press their special provinces of responsibility. They
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should have been raised by those Americans who share the view of the
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late Justice Learned Hand that right conclusions are more likely to be
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gathered out of a multitude of tongues than through any kind of 
authoritative selection. Advocates for the networks have claimed a First 
Amendment right to the same unlimited freedoms held by the great 
newspapers of America.
But the situations are not identical. Where The New York Times reaches 
800,000 people, N.B.C. reaches 20 times that number on its evening 
news. [The average weekday circulation of the Times in October was 
1,012,367; the average Sunday circulation was 1,523,558.] Nor can the 
tremendous impact of seeing television film and hearing commentary be 
compared with reading the printed page.
A decade ago, before the network news acquired such dominance over 
public opinion, Walter Lippman spoke to the issue. He said there’s an 
essential and radical difference between television and printing. The 
three or four competing television stations control virtually all that can 
be received over the air by ordinary television sets. But besides the 
mass circulation dailies, there are weeklies, monthlies, out-of-town 
newspapers and books. If a man doesn’t like his newspaper, he can 
read another from out of town or wait for a weekly news magazine. It’s 
not ideal, but it’s infinitely better than the situation in television.
There, if a man doesn’t like what the networks are showing, all he can 
do is turn them off and listen to a phonograph. "Networks," he stated
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American Rhetoric: Spiro Agnew -- Television News Coverage (Nov 1... Page 6 of 9
"which are few in number have a virtual monopoly of a whole media of 
communications." The newspaper of mass circulation have no monopoly 
on the medium of print.
Now a virtual monopoly of a whole medium of communication is not 
something that democratic people should blindly ignore. And we are not 
going to cut off our television sets and listen to the phonograph just 
because the airways belong to the networks. They don’t. They belong to 
the people. As Justice Byron wrote in his landmark opinion six months 
ago, "It’s the right of the viewers and listeners, not the right of the 
broadcasters, which is paramount."
Now it’s argued that this power presents no danger in the hands of 
those who have used it responsibly. But as to whether or not the 
networks have abused the power they enjoy, let us call as our first 
witness, former Vice President Humphrey and the city of Chicago. 
According to Theodore White, television’s intercutting of the film from
the streets of Chicago with the "current proceedings on the floor of the 
convention created the most striking and false political picture of 1968 -
the nomination of a man for the American Presidency by the brutality 
and violence of merciless police."
If we are to believe a recent report of the House of Representative 
Commerce Committee, then television’s presentation of the violence in 
the streets worked an injustice on the reputation of the Chicago police. 
According to the committee findings, one network in particular 
presented, and I quote, “a one-sided picture which in large measure 
exonerates the demonstrators and protestors.” 
Film of provocations of 
police that was available never saw the light of day, while the film of a 
police response which the protestors provoked was shown to millions.
Another network showed virtually the same scene of violence from three 
separate angles without making clear it was the same scene. And, while 
the full report is reticent in drawing conclusions, it is not a document to 
inspire confidence in the fairness of the network news. Our knowledge 
of the impact of network news on the national mind is far from 
complete, but some early returns are available. Again, we have enough 
information to raise serious questions about its effect on a democratic 
society.
Several years ago Fred Friendly, one of the pioneers of network news, 
wrote that its missing ingredients were conviction, controversy, and a 
point of view. The networks have compensated with a vengeance.
And in the networks' endless pursuit of controversy, we should ask: 
What is the end value --to enlighten or to profit? What is the end result 
--to inform or to confuse? How does the ongoing exploration for more 
action, more excitement, more drama serve our national search for 
internal peace and stability?
Gresham’s Law seems to be operating in the network news. Bad news 
drives out good news. The irrational is more controversial than the 
rational. Concurrence can no longer compete with dissent. One minute 
of Eldrige Cleaver is worth 10 minutes of Roy Wilkins. The labor crisis 
settled at the negotiating table is nothing compared to the confrontation 
that results in a strike --or better yet, violence along the picket lines. 
Normality has become the nemesis of the network news.
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Now the upshot of all this controversy is that a narrow and distorted 
picture of America often emerges from the televised news. A single, 
dramatic piece of the mosaic becomes in the minds of millions the entire 
picture. The American who relies upon television for his news might 
conclude that the majority of American students are embittered 
radicals; that the majority of black Americans feel no regard for their 
country; that violence and lawlessness are the rule rather than the 
exception on the American campus.
We know that none of these conclusions is true.
Perhaps the place to start looking for a credibility gap is not in the 
offices of the Government in Washington but in the studios of the 
networks in New York! Television may have destroyed the old 
stereotypes, but has it not created new ones in their places? What has 
this "passionate" pursuit of controversy done to the politics of progress 
through logical compromise essential to the functioning of a democratic 
society?
The members of Congress or the Senate who follow their principles and 
philosophy quietly in a spirit of compromise are unknown to many 
Americans, while the loudest and most extreme dissenters on every 
issue are known to every man in the street. How many marches and 
demonstrations would we have if the marchers did not know that the 
ever-faithful TV cameras would be there to record their antics for the 
next news show?
We’ve heard demands that Senators and Congressmen and judges 
make known all their financial connections so that the public will know 
who and what influences their decisions and their votes. Strong 
arguments can be made for that view. But when a single commentator 
or producer, night after night, determines for millions of people how 
much of each side of a great issue they are going to see and hear, 
should he not first disclose his personal views on the issue as well?
In this search for excitement and controversy, has more than equal time 
gone to the minority of Americans who specialize in attacking the United 
States --its institutions and its citizens?
Tonight I’ve raised questions. I’ve made no attempt to suggest the 
answers. The answers must come from the media men. They are 
challenged to turn their critical powers on themselves, to direct their 
energy, their talent, and their conviction toward improving the quality 
and objectivity of news presentation. They are challenged to structure 
their own civic ethics to relate to the great responsibilities they hold.
And the people of America are challenged, too -- challenged to press for 
responsible news presentation. The people can let the networks know 
that they want their news straight and objective. The people can 
register their complaints on bias through mail to the networks and 
phone calls to local stations. This is one case where the people must 
defend themselves, where the citizen, not the Government, must be the 
reformer; where the consumer can be the most effective crusader.
By way of conclusion, let me say that every elected leader in the United 
States depends on these men of the media. Whether what I’ve said to 
you tonight will be heard and seen at all by the nation is not my
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decision, it’s not your decision, it’s their decision. In tomorrow’s edition 
of the Des Moines Register, you’ll be able to read a news story detailing 
what I’ve said tonight. Editorial comment will be reserved for the 
editorial page, where it belongs. Should not the same wall of separation 
exist between news and comment on the nation’s networks?
Now, my friends, we’d never trust such power, as I’ve described, over 
public opinion in the hands of an elected Government. It’s time we 
questioned it in the hands of a small unelected elite. The great networks 
have dominated America’s airwaves for decades. The people are entitled 
a full accounting their stewardship.
Text Source: This version taken from Halford Ross Ryan (Ed.), American Rhetoric from Roosevelt to Reagan 
second edition, published in 1987 by Waveland Press: Prospect Heights, IL pp 212-219. 
Audio Source: American Voices at Michigan State University. 
Additional Note: Portions of this text transcribed directly from the audio excerpt above. 
Copyright Status: Text, Audio, Image = Restricted, seek permission.
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