More recently,
during the spy plane incident over Hainan,
American President Bush
changed the American position toward China 
from that of being a world partner
(the approach of the Clinton Administration),
to that of being a competitor
or an opponent in international affairs.
This “bashing” propaganda about China 
is considered by many people 
a cover-up (or a smoke screen) 
for growing American insecurity 
in international affairs 
and this distortion is accumulative in the brain
washed minds of the American people.
It is also degrading to say the least. 
It is like a champion football team that 
does not want to play fairly any more 
because it is afraid of losing. 
It is the fear of being beaten fairly 
and decisively on the field, 
according to an agreed upon set of rules.
This obsession with human rights 
has flared up in many areas 
of American foreign policy in recent months. 
This rash, sometimes graphic ChinaBashing attitude
is probably driven, in part, 
by powerful economic interests 
in the United States. 
The positions of these powerful interests 
will be seriously threatened 
by China's entry into the WTO. 
These industries, if they are forced 
to face stronger competition, 
fear losing their shares of their respective markets. 
These same interests also 
heavily support political parties financially 
and therefore have some indirect influence 
over government policies. 
China has enough ballots to get into the WTO. 
The United States alone cannot veto China's entry, 
but can make things difficult.
Both China and the United States 
will have to adjust themselves 
to raise economic efficiencies, 
a fact that normally results 
from greater competition. 
However, what must clearly be seen 
are the comparative advantages, 
which will benefit all trading partners. 
With the reduction of trade barriers, 
more efficient use of the world's productive resources 
will emerge through greater specialization 
by the various countries involved. 
In the short-run, 
(in the first few years) 
there will be dislocations of productive resources, 
particularly of labour. 
For some industries, 
the future will be bleak. 
There will be short run unemployment 
in some sectors of each country. 
It is important that 
these countries develop plans, 
such as retraining and increased technology, 
to make adjustments easier as productive resources 
shift from one sector to another. 
With greater sharing of international expertise, 
these transitions should become easier. 
The longrange result will mean 
more benefits for all countries; 
meaning higher standards of living all round. 
China has already made persistent strides 
in this direction through its partnership 
arrangements with foreign corporations 
over the last twenty years, 
since the reforms 
at the end of the Cultural Revolution.
China has no alternative but 
to move forward into the international markets 
and in other areas of globalization 
of the twentyfirst century. 
Not to do so would mean inevitable deterioration or, 
perhaps, even complete evaporation of China's strong economy. 
Some sacrifices in socialist economic 
and political philosophies and policies
are imperative if these goals are to be achieved. 
The big advantage that 
China has had over the former Soviet Union
is that of cautious gradualism in economic policy. 
China's political hierarchy is slowly embracing the theories 
and practices of a new socialist market system. 
The knowledge and skills gained 
from this approach places China 
in an excellent position to succeed. 
The country sees quite clearly that 
a pure command economic system 
will not endure to the end 
under the inertia of this epoch of brisk globalization. 
In the end, China is destined to succeed.
Much of what China will face in the WTO 
will be the coincidence of internal policies 
that have been formulated in recent years, 
although some reconfiguration will be necessary.
To suggest immediate success for China 
may be premature at this point, 
but there are precedents 
that are favourable to China's aspirations. 
Such success is difficult to quantify or generalize, 
as there are so many factors 
that are constantly changing.
It is a gamble. 
World recessions, strong economic growth periods, 
and disasters such as the September 11th, 
2001 terrorist attacks, 
can drastically create economic casualties overnight 
followed by the “trickle down” negative impacts. 
All these being said, it would be 
a mistake to underestimate China's legitimate presence 
in this period of globalization. 
It is indicative, as well as fitting,
that almost all countries of the world
will benefit from the potential contributions 
that China can make in the years to come.
The WTO's success hinges on international cooperation 
and ceaseless pursuit of positive common goals 
rather than focusing on negative issues 
that could only handicap good economic 
and social relations along with progress 
in international trade. 
It is hoped that such barriers 
between China and other countries 
will dissipate now that its membership 
has finally been certified.