奥巴马于2007年接受总统候选人提名时的演讲

2007年2月，贝拉克·侯赛因·奥巴马二世，简称奥巴马，在伊利诺伊州宣布竞选总统，经过五个月预选后，他击败了纽约州联邦参议员希拉里，获得总统候选人提名。身为美国联邦参议员的奥巴马在民主党全国代表大会上接受总统候选人提名，成为美国历史上第一个获得主要党派总统候选人提名的少数族裔人士。

奥巴马在科罗拉多州丹佛一个能容纳七万五千人的体育场内发表演讲时说，布什政府过去八年的失败政策和国内党派斗争导致百姓生活水平下降。因此，他向民主党人、共和党人和独立派人士发出呼吁，采取变革措施，在二十一世纪“使美国的希望不灭”。

奥巴马随即向共和党竞争对手、亚利桑那州联邦参议员麦凯恩发出挑战。奥巴马说，麦凯恩在国会经常支持布什政府的政策，这足以使人对他的判断能力产生怀疑。此外，他还批评麦凯恩不了解美国民众所关注的医疗保健、教育和经济等问题。

奥巴马在演讲中重申，要对工薪家庭采取减税政策，通过发展可替代能源实现能源自给，为青少年提供世界一流水平的教育，并实现全民享有在其支付能力范围内的医疗保健服务。

针对麦凯恩批评他外交和国防经验不足，奥巴马说，民主党在罗斯福和肯尼迪担任总统时代的外交表现已经证实，该党具备处理这些事务的能力。

奥巴马还批评布什政府的外交政策让美国民主党和共和党几代人的努力“付之东流”。他说，民主党要挽回这些“遗产”，负责任地结束伊拉克战争，完成针对阿富汗塔利班和“基地”组织的战争，阻止伊朗获得核武器，建立新的伙伴关系以应对美国在二十一世纪面临的威胁。

奥巴马于2007年接受总统候选人提名时的演讲

To Chairman Dean and my great friend Dick Durbin; and to all my fellow citizens of this great nation.

With profound gratitude and great humility, I accept your nomination for the presidency of the United States.

Let me express my thanks to the historic slate of candidates who accompanied me on this journey, and especially the one who traveled the farthest—a champion for working Americans and an inspiration to my daughters and to yours—Hillary Rodham Clinton. To President Clinton, who last night made the case for change as only he can make it; to Ted Kennedy, who embodies the spirit of service; and to the next vice-president of the United States, Joe Biden, I thank you. I am grateful to finish this journey with one of the finest statesmen of our time, a man at ease with everyone from world leaders to the conductors on the Amtrak train he still takes home every night.

To the love of my life, our next first lady, Michelle Obama, and to Sasha and Malia—I love you so much, and I'm so proud of all of you.

Four years ago, I stood before you and told you my story—of the brief union between a young man from Kenya and a young woman from Kansas who weren’t well-off or well-known, but shared a belief that in America, their son could achieve whatever he put his mind to.

It is that promise that has always set this country apart—that through hard work and sacrifice, each of us can pursue our individual dreams but still come together as one American family, to ensure that the next generation can pursue their dreams as well.

That’s why I stand here tonight. Because for 232 years, at each moment when that promise was in jeopardy, ordinary men and women,—students and soldiers, farmers and teachers, nurses and janitors—found the courage to keep it alive.

We meet at one of those defining moments—a moment when our nation is at war, our economy is in turmoil and the American promise has been threatened once more.

Tonight, more Americans are out of work and more are working harder for less. More of you have lost your homes and even more are watching your home values plummet. More of you have cars you can’t afford to drive, credit card bills you can’t afford to pay and tuition that’s beyond your reach. These challenges are not all of government’s making. But the failure to respond is a direct result of a broken politics in Washington and the failed policies of George W. Bush.

America, we are better than these last eight years. We are a better country than this.

This country is more decent than one where a woman in Ohio, on the brink of retirement, finds herself one illness away from disaster after a lifetime of hard work.

This country is more generous than one where a man in Indiana has to pack up the equipment he’s worked on for 20 years and watch it shipped off to China, and then chokes up as he explains how he felt like a failure when he went home to tell his family the news.

We are more compassionate than a government that lets veterans sleep on our streets and families slide into poverty; that sits on its hands while a major American city drowns before our eyes.

Tonight, I say to the American people, to Democrats and Republicans and Independents across this great land—enough! This moment—this election—is our chance to keep, in the 21st century, the American promise alive. Because next week, in Minnesota, the same party that brought you two terms of George Bush and Dick Cheney will ask this country for a third. And we are here because we love this country too much to let the next four years look like the last eight. On November 4th, we must stand up and say: “Eight is enough.”

Now let there be no doubt. The Republican nominee, John McCain, has worn the uniform of our country with bravery and distinction, and for that we owe him our gratitude and respect. And next week, we’ll also hear about those occasions when he’s broken with his party as evidence that he can deliver the change that we need.

But the record’s clear: John McCain has voted with George Bush 90% of the time. Senator McCain likes to talk about judgment, but really, what does it say about your judgment when you think George Bush has been right more than 90% of the time? I don’t know about you, but I’m not ready to take a 10% chance on change.

The truth is, on issue after issue that would make a difference in your lives—on healthcare and education and the economy—Senator McCain has been anything but independent. He said that our economy has made "great progress" under this president. He said that the fundamentals of the economy are strong. And when one of his chief advisers—the man who wrote his economic plan—was talking about the anxiety Americans are feeling, he said that we were just suffering from a “mental recession,”and that we’ve become, and I quote, “a nation of whiners”.

A nation of whiners? Tell that to the proud auto workers at a Michigan plant who, after they found out it was closing, kept showing up every day and working as hard as ever, because they knew there were people who counted on the brakes that they made. Tell that to the military families who shoulder their burdens silently as they watch their loved ones leave for their third or fourth or fifth tour of duty. These are not whiners. They work hard and give back and keep going without complaint. These are the Americans that I know.

Now, I don’t believe that Senator McCain doesn’t care what’s going on in the lives of Americans. I just think he doesn’t know. Why else would he define middle class as someone making under $5m a year? How else could he propose hundreds of billions in tax breaks for big corporations and oil companies but not one penny of tax relief to more than one hundred million Americans? How else could he offer a healthcare plan that would actually tax people’s benefits, or an education plan that would do nothing to help families pay for college, or a plan that would privatize social security and gamble your retirement?

It’s not because John McCain doesn’t care. It’s because John McCain doesn’t get it.

For over two decades, he’s subscribed to that old, discredited Republican philosophy—give more and more to those with the most and hope that prosperity trickles down to everyone else. In Washington, they call this the Ownership Society, but what it really means is—you’re on your own. Out of work? Tough luck. No healthcare? The market will fix it. Born into poverty? Pull yourself up by your own bootstraps—even if you don’t have boots. You’re on your own.

Well it’s time for them to own their failure. It’s time for us to change America.

You see, we Democrats have a very different measure of what constitutes progress in this country.

We measure progress by how many people can find a job that pays the mortgage; whether you can put a little extra money away at the end of each month so you can someday watch your child receive her college diploma. We measure progress in the 23m new jobs that were created when Bill Clinton was president—when the average American family saw its income go up $7,500 instead of down $2,000 like it has under George Bush.

We measure the strength of our economy not by the number of billionaires we have or the profits of the Fortune 500, but by whether someone with a good idea can take a risk and start a new business, or whether the waitress who lives on tips can take a day off to look after a sick kid without losing her job—an economy that honors the dignity of work.

The fundamentals we use to measure economic strength are whether we are living up to that fundamental promise that has made this country great—a promise that is the only reason I am standing here tonight.

Because in the faces of those young veterans who come back from Iraq and Afghanistan, I see my grandfather, who signed up after Pearl Harbor, marched in Patton’s Army, and was rewarded by a grateful nation with the chance to go to college on the GI Bill.

In the face of that young student who sleeps just three hours before working the night shift, I think about my mom, who raised my sister and me on her own while she worked and earned her degree; who once turned to food stamps but was still able to send us to the best schools in the country with the help of student loans and scholarships.

When I listen to another worker tell me that his factory has shut down, I remember all those men and women on the south side of Chicago who I stood by and fought for two decades ago after the local steel plant closed.

And when I hear a woman talk about the difficulties of starting her own business, I think about my grandmother, who worked her way up from the secretarial pool to middle management, despite years of being passed over for promotions because she was a woman. She’s the one who taught me about hard work. She’s the one who put off buying a new car or a new dress for herself so that I could have a better life. She poured everything she had into me. And although she can no longer travel, I know that she’s watching tonight, and that tonight is her night as well.

I don’t know what kind of lives John McCain thinks that celebrities lead, but this has been mine. These are my heroes. Theirs are the stories that shaped me. And it is on their behalf that I intend to win this election and keep our promise alive as president of the United States.

What is that promise?

It’s a promise that says each of us has the freedom to make of our own lives what we will, but that we also have the obligation to treat each other with dignity and respect.

It’s a promise that says the market should reward drive and innovation and generate growth, but that businesses should live up to their responsibilities to create American jobs, look out for American workers, and play by the rules of the road.

Ours is a promise that says government cannot solve all our problems, but what it should do is that which we cannot do for ourselves—protect us from harm and provide every child a decent education; keep our water clean and our toys safe; invest in new schools and new roads and new science and technology.

Our government should work for us, not against us. It should help us, not hurt us. It should ensure opportunity not just for those with the most money and influence, but for every American who’s willing to work.

That’s the promise of America—the idea that we are responsible for ourselves, but that we also rise or fall as one nation; the fundamental belief that I am my brother’s keeper; I am my sister’s keeper.

That’s the promise we need to keep. That’s the change we need right now. So let me spell out exactly what that change would mean if I am president.

Change means a tax code that doesn’t reward the lobbyists who wrote it, but the American workers and small businesses who deserve it.

Unlike John McCain, I will stop giving tax breaks to corporations that ship jobs overseas, and I will start giving them to companies that create good jobs right here in America.

I will eliminate capital gains taxes for the small businesses and the start-ups that will create the high-wage, high-tech jobs of tomorrow.

I will cut taxes—cut taxes—for 95% of all working families. Because in an economy like this, the last thing we should do is raise taxes on the middle-class.

And for the sake of our economy, our security, and the future of our planet, I will set a clear goal as president: in ten years, we will finally end our dependence on oil from the Middle East.

Washington’s been talking about our oil addiction for the last 30 years, and John McCain has been there for 26 of them. In that time, he’s said no to higher fuel-efficiency standards for cars, no to investments in renewable energy, no to renewable fuels. And today, we import triple the amount of oil as the day that Senator McCain took office.

Now is the time to end this addiction, and to understand that drilling is a stop-gap measure, not a long-term solution. Not even close.

As president, I will tap our natural gas reserves, invest in clean coal technology and find ways to safely harness nuclear power. I’ll help our auto companies re-tool, so that the fuel-efficient cars of the future are built right here in America. I’ll make it easier for the American people to afford these new cars. And I’ll invest $150bn dollars over the next decade in affordable, renewable sources of energy—wind power and solar power and the next generation of biofuels; an investment that will lead to new industries and 5m new jobs that pay well and can’t ever be outsourced.

America, now is not the time for small plans.

Now is the time to finally meet our moral obligation to provide every child a world-class education, because it will take nothing less to compete in the global economy. Michelle and I are only here tonight because we were given a chance at an education. And I will not settle for an America where some kids don’t have that chance. I’ll invest in early childhood education. I’ll recruit an army of new teachers, and pay them higher salaries and give them more support. And in exchange, I’ll ask for higher standards and more accountability. And we will keep our promise to every young American—if you commit to serving your community or your country, we will make sure you can afford a college education.

Now is the time to finally keep the promise of affordable, accessible healthcare for every single American. If you have healthcare, my plan will lower your premiums. If you don’t, you’ll be able to get the same kind of coverage that members of Congress give themselves. And as someone who watched my mother argue with insurance companies while she lay in bed dying of cancer, I will make certain those companies stop discriminating against those who are sick and need care the most.

Now is the time to help families with paid sick days and better family leave, because nobody in America should have to choose between keeping their jobs and caring for a sick child or ailing parent.

Now is the time to change our bankruptcy laws, so that your pensions are protected ahead of CEO bonuses; and the time to protect social security for future generations.

And now is the time to keep the promise of equal pay for an equal day’s work, because I want my daughters to have exactly the same opportunities as your sons.

Now, many of these plans will cost money, which is why I’ve laid out how I’ll pay for every dime—by closing corporate loopholes and tax havens that don’t help America grow. But I will also go through the federal budget, line by line, eliminating programs that no longer work and making the ones we do need work better and cost less—because we cannot meet 21st-century challenges with a 20th-century bureaucracy.

And Democrats, we must also admit that fulfilling America’s promise will require more than just money. It will require a renewed sense of responsibility from each of us to recover what John F Kennedy called our "intellectual and moral strength". Yes, government must lead on energy independence, but each of us must do our part to make our homes and businesses more efficient. Yes, we must provide more ladders to success for young men who fall into lives of crime and despair. But we must also admit that programmes alone can’t replace parents; that government can’t turn off the television and make a child do her homework; that fathers must take more responsibility for providing the love and guidance their children need.

Individual responsibility and mutual responsibility—that’s the essence of America’s promise.

And just as we keep our promise to the next generation here at home, so must we keep America’s promise abroad. If John McCain wants to have a debate about who has the temperament, and judgment, to serve as the next commander-in-chief, that’s a debate I’m ready to have.

For while Senator McCain was turning his sights to Iraq just days after 9/11, I stood up and opposed this war, knowing that it would distract us from the real threats we face. When John McCain said we could just "muddle through" in Afghanistan, I argued for more resources and more troops to finish the fight against the terrorists who actually attacked us on 9/11, and made clear that we must take out Osama bin Laden and his lieutenants if we have them in our sights. John McCain likes to say that he’ll follow bin Laden to the Gates of Hell—but he won’t even go to the cave where he lives.

And today, as my call for a time frame to remove our troops from Iraq has been echoed by the Iraqi government and even the Bush Administration, even after we learned that Iraq has a $79 billion surplus while we’re wallowing in deficits, John McCain stands alone in his stubborn refusal to end a misguided war. That’s not the judgment we need. That won’t keep America safe. We need a President who can face the threats of the future, not keep grasping at the ideas of the past.

You don’t defeat a terrorist network that operates in eighty countries by occupying Iraq. You don’t protect Israel and deter Iran just by talking tough in Washington. You can’t truly stand up for Georgia when you’ve strained our oldest alliances. If John McCain wants to follow George Bush with more tough talk and bad strategy, that is his choice—but it is not the change we need.

We are the party of Roosevelt. We are the party of Kennedy. So don’t tell me that Democrats won’t defend this country. Don’t tell me that Democrats won’t keep us safe. The Bush-McCain foreign policy has squandered the legacy that generations of Americans—Democrats and Republicans—have built, and we are here to restore that legacy.

As Commander-in-Chief, I will never hesitate to defend this nation, but I will only send our troops into harm’s way with a clear mission and a sacred commitment to give them the equipment they need in battle and the care and benefits they deserve when they come home.

I will end this war in Iraq responsibly, and finish the fight against al Qaeda and the Taliban in Afghanistan. I will rebuild our military to meet future conflicts. But I will also renew the tough, direct diplomacy that can prevent Iran from obtaining nuclear weapons and curb Russian aggression. I will build new partnerships to defeat the threats of the 21st century: terrorism and nuclear proliferation; poverty and genocide; climate change and disease. And I will restore our moral standing, so that America is once again that last, best hope for all who are called to the cause of freedom, who long for lives of peace, and who yearn for a better future. These are the policies I will pursue. And in the weeks ahead, I look forward to debating them with John McCain.

But what I will not do is suggest that the Senator takes his positions for political purposes. Because one of the things that we have to change in our politics is the idea that people cannot disagree without challenging each other’s character and patriotism.

The times are too serious, the stakes are too high for this same partisan playbook. So let us agree that patriotism has no party. I love this country, and so do you, and so does John McCain. The men and women who serve in our battlefields may be Democrats and Republicans and Independents, but they have fought together and bled together and some died together under the same proud flag. They have not served a Red America or a Blue America—they have served the United States of America.

So I’ve got news for you, John McCain. We all put our country first.

America, our work will not be easy. The challenges we face require tough choices, and Democrats as well as Republicans will need to cast off the worn-out ideas and politics of the past. For part of what has been lost these past eight years can’t just be measured by lost wages or bigger trade deficits. What has also been lost is our sense of common purpose—our sense of higher purpose. And that’s what we have to restore.

We may not agree on abortion, but surely we can agree on reducing the number of unwanted pregnancies in this country. The reality of gun ownership may be different for hunters in rural Ohio than for those plagued by gang-violence in Cleveland, but don’t tell me we can’t uphold the Second Amendment while keeping AK-47s out of the hands of criminals. I know there are differences on same-sex marriage, but surely we can agree that our gay and lesbian brothers and sisters deserve to visit the person they love in the hospital and to live lives free of discrimination. Passions fly on immigration, but I don’t know anyone who benefits when a mother is separated from her infant child or an employer undercuts American wages by hiring illegal workers. This too is part of America’s promise—the promise of a democracy where we can find the strength and grace to bridge divides and unite in common effort.

I know there are those who dismiss such beliefs as happy talk. They claim that our insistence on something larger, something firmer and more honest in our public life is just a Trojan Horse for higher taxes and the abandonment of traditional values. And that’s to be expected. Because if you don’t have any fresh ideas, then you use stale tactics to scare the voters. If you don’t have a record to run on, then you paint your opponent as someone people should run from.

You make a big election about small things. And you know what—it’s worked before. Because it feeds into the cynicism we all have about government. When Washington doesn’t work, all its promises seem empty. If your hopes have been dashed again and again, then it’s best to stop hoping, and settle for what you already know. I get it. I realize that I am not the likeliest candidate for this office. I don’t fit the typical pedigree, and I haven’t spent my career in the halls of Washington.

But I stand before you tonight because all across America something is stirring. What the nay-sayers don’t understand is that this election has never been about me. It’s been about you. For eighteen long months, you have stood up, one by one, and said enough to the politics of the past. You understand that in this election, the greatest risk we can take is to try the same old politics with the same old players and expect a different result. You have shown what history teaches us—that at defining moments like this one, the change we need doesn’t come from Washington. Change comes to Washington. Change happens because the American people demand it—because they rise up and insist on new ideas and new leadership, a new politics for a new time.

America, this is one of those moments.

I believe that as hard as it will be, the change we need is coming. Because I’ve seen it. Because I’ve lived it. I’ve seen it in Illinois, when we provided health care to more children and moved more families from welfare to work. I’ve seen it in Washington, when we worked across party lines to open up government and hold lobbyists more accountable, to give better care for our veterans and keep nuclear weapons out of terrorist hands.

And I’ve seen it in this campaign. In the young people who voted for the first time, and in those who got involved again after a very long time. In the Republicans who never thought they’d pick up a Democratic ballot, but did. I’ve seen it in the workers who would rather cut their hours back a day than see their friends lose their jobs, in the soldiers who re-enlist after losing a limb, in the good neighbors who take a stranger in when a hurricane strikes and the floodwaters rise.

This country of ours has more wealth than any nation, but that’s not what makes us rich. We have the most powerful military on Earth, but that’s not what makes us strong. Our universities and our culture are the envy of the world, but that’s not what keeps the world coming to our shores. Instead, it is that American spirit—that American promise—that pushes us forward even when the path is uncertain; that binds us together in spite of our differences; that makes us fix our eye not on what is seen, but what is unseen, that better place around the bend. That promise is our greatest inheritance. It’s a promise I make to my daughters when I tuck them in at night, and a promise that you make to yours—a promise that has led immigrants to cross oceans and pioneers to travel west; a promise that led workers to picket lines, and women to reach for the ballot.

And it is that promise that forty five years ago today, brought Americans from every corner of this land to stand together on a Mall in Washington, before Lincoln’s Memorial, and hear a young preacher from Georgia speak of his dream. The men and women who gathered there could’ve heard many things. They could’ve heard words of anger and discord. They could’ve been told to succumb to the fear and frustration of so many dreams deferred. But what the people heard instead—people of every creed and color, from every walk of life—is that in America, our destiny is inextricably linked. That together, our dreams can be one.

"We cannot walk alone," the preacher cried. "And as we walk, we must make the pledge that we shall always march ahead. We cannot turn back."

America, we cannot turn back. Not with so much work to be done. Not with so many children to educate, and so many veterans to care for. Not with an economy to fix and cities to rebuild and farms to save. Not with so many families to protect and so many lives to mend. America, we cannot turn back. We cannot walk alone. At this moment, in this election, we must pledge once more to march into the future. Let us keep that promise—that American promise—and in the words of Scripture hold firmly, without wavering, to the hope that we confess.

Thank you, God Bless you, and God Bless the United States of America.

首先，向迪恩主席，我的好友迪克·德宾，以及我们这个伟大国家的同胞们致意。(注：霍华德·迪恩是奥巴马所在的美国民主党全国委员会主席;迪克·德宾是美国参议院中的民主党二号人物。)

怀着深深的感激与谦恭，我接受你们的提名，成为美国总统候选人。

首先让我感谢伴随我走过初选那段征程的候选人们，特别是走得最远的那一位——为工薪阶层的美国人奋争，为你我的女儿们带来激励的候选人——希拉里·罗德姆·克林顿。感谢克林顿总统，昨晚他的演讲对美国需要变革的阐述无以伦比。感谢泰德·肯尼迪，感谢他的奉献精神。当然还有我们的下任美国副总统乔·拜登，谢谢你。有这样一位我们这个时代最优秀的政治家伴随我走完最后这段竞选之旅是我的福气。拜登平易近人，从对其他国家的领导人，到他每晚乘火车下班回家遇到的售票员都是同样的。

我还要感谢我的妻子，我们的下一任第一夫人，米歇尔·奥巴马，以及萨沙和玛丽亚，我深爱你们，你们是我的骄傲。

四年前面对你们，我讲述了自己的故事——故事起始于一对分别来自肯尼亚和(美国)堪萨斯州青年夫妇的短暂结合。(注：这里指奥巴马的父母。奥巴马的父亲来自肯尼亚，曾在美国留学;母亲是美国堪萨斯州人。)他们并不富裕、默默无闻，但他们有这样一个共同的信念，那就是在美国，他们的儿子不管有什么样的理想，都有可能实现。

正是这个美国的承诺，让我们的国家与众不同——通过努力和牺牲，我们每个人都能够追求个人的梦想，但同时又组成美国这个大家庭。并且让我们的下一代也可以追求他们的梦想。

这就是为什么今晚我会站在这里。因为在过去的二百三十二年间，每当这个美国的承诺遇到挑战之时，普普通通的男女——学生、战士、农民、教师、护士和勤杂工，都展现出他们的勇气来保卫它。

我们正处在这样一个时刻——在这一时刻，我们的国家处于战争之中，经济一团乱麻，美国的承诺又一次遇到挑战。

今夜，从未有这么多的美国人在忍受失业，他们工作更辛苦，挣的却更少。如此多的家庭失去他们的住所，更多的人则眼睁睁看着他们的房子贬值。更多的人有车却开不起，信用卡账单难以支付，孩子的学费高到无法承受。不能说这些问题都是政府的责任。但不能有效地解决这些问题，却实实在在是华盛顿的政府与乔治·W·布什政策的失败。

美国，我们的人民应当比这过去的八年过得更好。我们不该是这样的国家。

在俄亥俄，一位一生努力工作即将退休的妇女发现一场突如其来的疾病让她陷入绝境。我们的国家不该这样!

在印第安纳，一位工人把和他相伴了二十年的机器设备打包运往中国，在向家人解释这一切时，他为自己的失败泣不成声。我们的国家难道不该对我们的人民更慷慨!

老兵们流落街头，他们的家庭陷入困顿。而一座美国的重要城市眼睁睁地被洪水吞没。我们的政府难道不应当对此更有同情心!

今晚，我对美国人民、对民主党、共和党和无党派人士，对我们这个伟大国家的所有人说，够了!这一时刻，这次大选，是决定在二十一世纪我们是否仍能信守美国承诺的机会。因为下周，那个带给你们两届乔治·布什和迪克·切尼的共和党，想要带给这个国家第三届同样的货色!(注：之后的一周将是共和党全国代表大会)今天我们聚集在这里，是因为我们热爱这个国家，我们不愿意让过去的八年再上演四年。当十一月四日(注：大选投票之日)到来时，我们必须站起来说：“八年已经够了。”

毫无疑问，共和党提名的总统候选人约翰·麦凯恩曾经为了我们的国家身着军装。他的勇敢和出色表现应当赢得我们的感激和尊重。而下周，我们还将听到他几次与共和党分道扬镳的陈述，让我们相信他会给我们带来这个国家所需要的改变。

但是，过去的记录清晰地表明：约翰·麦凯恩90%的时候都支持乔治·布什的观点。麦凯恩参议员喜欢谈论判断力，但是说真的，当你认为乔治·布什90%的时候都是正确的，这个时候你还有什么判断力可言?我不知道别人怎么想，但我不打算依靠这10%的改变几率。

事实是，在讨论我们所面对的重要问题时——从医疗到教育再到我们的经济——麦凯恩参议员都没有表达出他的独立观点。他说我们的经济在过去八年中取得了“巨大的发展”。他说经济的基础非常稳固。麦凯恩参议员的首席经济顾问——他为麦凯恩参议员撰写了经济规划——谈到美国人的焦虑感时说道，我们的国家正在经历一场“精神上的衰退”，我们已经变成了，我引用他的原话，“一个充满抱怨者的国家”。

一个充满抱怨者的国家?当密歇根州工厂自豪的汽车工人们发现工厂即将关闭，但仍然一如既往的坚持工作，只因为有人需要他们生产的刹车盘时，我们听到抱怨了吗?当一位军人的丈夫或妻子在自己的爱人又要离开家，去执行第三次、第四次甚至是第五次任务时，默默地担起了家庭的重担，我们听到抱怨了吗?他们都没有抱怨。他们仍然努力工作，仍然热爱生活，毫无怨言。这才是我所知道的美国人。

我不相信麦凯恩参议员不关心美国人的生活，我想他只是不知道。否则他怎么会将中产阶级定义为年收入少于500万美元的人呢?否则他怎么会提出上千亿美元的针对大企业和石油公司的减税计划，却不肯为超过一亿的普通美国大众减免哪怕只是一分钱?否则他怎么会提出实际加重了人民负担的医疗政策?怎么会提出对美国家庭毫无帮助的教育政策?怎么会提出社会保障的私人账户计划，这不是拿你的退休金赌博吗?

约翰·麦凯恩不是不关心，而是根本不知道。

过去的二十多年里，他一直秉承着那种陈旧、迂腐的共和党哲学——让美国人拥有更多的资产，这样每个人就可以担负自己的福利。在华盛顿，他们称之为“所有者社会”，但这种哲学背后的意思是——你只能靠你自己了。失业?你运气不好。没有医疗保险?自己去买吧。生在穷人家?你只能白手起家——即你一无所有。一切都得靠你自己。

现在，是时候让他们品尝自己的失败了。让我们来改变美国。

大家都知道，我们民主党用另外一种完全不同的方法来衡量这个国家的发展。

我们判断国家是否发展，要看有多少人能够找到工作来支付贷款;要看你是否可以每月存下一点钱为了你的孩子将来可以去读大学。判断国家是否发展，要看比尔·克林顿总统在任期间新创造的两千三百万个工作机会和美国家庭平均收入上升了7500美元，而不是乔治·布什时期的下降2000美元。

我们判断我们的经济实力并不是看亿万富翁的数目，或者财富五百强企业的利润，而是要看一个拥有非凡创意的人能否开创自己的事业，或者一个靠小费生活的服务员能不能请一天假去照顾生病的孩子而不会丢掉她的工作——我们需要一个崇尚工作尊严的经济体系。

我们用来衡量经济实力的基本原则是，我们是否真正践行了那些让国家变得更伟大的承诺——这也是我今晚站在这个台上的唯一原因。

因为在那些从伊拉克和阿富汗归来的年轻的退伍军人的脸上，我看到了我祖父的影子。珍珠港事件后他加入了军队，并在巴顿将军的部队中服役，依靠“美国退役军人权利法案”，他才有机会接受大学教育。

看到那些努力学习至深夜的年轻学生，我想起了我的母亲，她在独自抚养我和妹妹的同时还取得了学位。虽然她曾经依靠发放给穷苦人的食品券度日，却仍然可以借助学生贷款和奖学金将我们送到这个国家最好的学校去读书。

当我听到又一位工人告诉我他的工厂倒闭时，我就想起二十多年前当本地的钢厂关闭时，与我并肩作战的那些人们。

当我听到一位女性告诉我她创业的艰难时，我就会想起我的祖母从秘书到中层管理人员的奋斗历程，这用了很多年只因为她是个女性。她教育我要努力奋斗。她把买新车和新衣服的钱省下来，只为了让我过得更好。她将她的所有都给了我。虽然她不能来现场，但是我知道她一定在看着我，因为这也是属于她的夜晚。

我不知道约翰·麦凯恩认为什么样的人才是榜样，但这些就是我的榜样。他们是我的英雄，他们影响了我，塑造了我。我将代表他们赢得总统竞选，并且作为美国的总统去实现我们的诺言。

那么，我们承诺了什么?

我们承诺每个人都能自由地过上自己想要的生活，但是我们也有责任保护别人的尊严。

我们承诺市场会奖励勤奋和创新并创造增长，但是企业应当履行责任为美国人创造工作机会，保障工人权利和遵守规则。

我们承诺虽然政府不能解决所有的问题，但是可以为我们所有人谋求福利——保护我们不受伤害，让每个孩子都有接受教育的机会;保证我们喝上清洁的水，保证我们的玩具安全;投资建设新的学校，新的道路，支持科技的发展。

我们的政府应该为我们所用，而不是与我们作对。政府应该帮助我们，而不是伤害我们。政府应该保证每个人的机会平等，不能袒护那些有权或有钱的人，而是保护每一个勤奋的美国人。

这就是美国的承诺——我们每个人都要为自己负责。但我们也是一个同甘共苦的整体，我们会关爱我们的兄弟姐妹，关爱每个人。

这就是我们需要履行的承诺。这就是现在我们所需要的改变。所以，如果我能成为美国总统，我将准确诠释改变世界的真谛。

改变意味着税法不再有利于立法的政客，而是有利于美国所有的工人、中小企业家，这是他们应得的。

我不像约翰·麦凯恩，我将停止对那些将工作机会拱手送人的大公司的减税政策，并将这些优惠给予那些在这里，在美国创造良好工作机会的公司。

我将免除中小企业和初创企业的资本所得税，因为这些企业将是未来高薪、高技术工作岗位的来源。

我将减税，为95%的工薪家庭减免税赋。因为在我们的经济体系中，不到万不得已不能对中产阶级加税。

并且，为了我们的安全、我们的经济和我们这个星球的未来，我将为我的总统任期定下一个明确的目标：十年之内，我们将摆脱对中东的石油依赖。

过去三十年，华盛顿一直在谈论我们对石油的依赖，而约翰·麦凯恩在那里待了二十六年。当年，他反对更高的燃油效率标准，反对发展可再生能源，反对开发可再生燃料。现在，我们进口的石油是麦凯恩就任参议员时的三倍之多。

现在，是时候结束对石油的依赖了，并且我们要明白钻更多的油井不过是权宜之计，远非一劳永逸。

作为总统，我将鼓励开发天然气，投资研究洁净燃煤技术，发展安全、可控的核能。我将帮助我们的汽车企业改良技术，为美国生产燃油效率更高的机动车，并且让美国人能买得起这些车。未来十年，我将在廉价的可再生能源领域——风能、太阳能和新型生物燃料投资1500亿美元。这些投资将创造新的产业并提供500万个新的不可外包的高薪工作机会。

美国，现在可不是小家子气的时候。

现在，我们需要担起责任，为每个孩子提供世界一流的教育，因为这在全球经济竞争中同样重要。米歇尔和我今晚之所以能站在这里，正是因为我们受到了教育。只要还有孩子不能得到教育机会，我就不会停止脚步。我还将发展儿童早期教育。我会招募大量的新教师，给他们高薪，给他们更多的支持，同时也要求他们提供更高标准的教育。我们将坚守对每个年轻人的承诺——只要你为社会、为国家做出贡献，我们将保证你交得起学费。

我们要实现为每个美国人提供可以负担得起的医疗保障制度的承诺。如果你有医疗保险，我的计划将减少你的支出。如果你没有，你可以享受与国会议员同样的医疗保险。某些人曾亲眼看到我的母亲在身患癌症，卧床不起的时候与保险公司争论医疗保险的金额，我将确保这些公司不再歧视那些最需要保险的病人。

我们将为每个美国人提供享受带薪病假和事假的机会，因为在美国，任何人都不应在留住工作和照顾生病的孩子或父母之间做出选择。

我们将改善破产法案，优先保证你的退休金而不是CEO的红利。我们还将为下一代提供更好的社会保障制度。

我们将保证实现同工同酬，因为我希望我的女儿和你的儿子拥有同样的机会。

许多计划都需要投入，而我将计划好我要花出去的每一个硬币——堵死公司税务漏洞和那些对美国的增长毫无帮助的避税天堂。我也将逐字逐句地分析联邦预算，停止那些毫无意义的项目，将有限的资源投入到我们更需要的领域中去。我们不能用二十世纪的官僚体系来应对二十一世纪的挑战。

民主党人，我们必须承认实现承诺需要的不仅仅是钱。它需要我们有更多的责任感以重获约翰·F·肯尼迪总统所说的“智力和道德的力量”。不错，实现能源独立是政府的责任，但是我们每个人都有责任在生活和工作中节约能源。不错，我们需要为那些犯下罪行或者陷入绝望的年轻人提供获得成功的路径，但是我们必须承认政府的计划不可能取代父母的作用。政府不可能关掉电视，让孩子去完成家庭作业，父亲必须承担更多的责任，给孩子以必要的关爱和指导。

个体责任和共同责任——这就是美国承诺的精髓所在。

正像我们在国内的承诺一样，我们要把这些承诺扩展到美国之外的地方。如果约翰·麦凯恩想要就谁更加具有成为下一任总司令的气质和判断力展开一场辩论，我求之不得。

在“9·11”事件发生几天后，麦凯恩参议员开始关注伊拉克。而我却站起来反对这场战争，我深知这场战争会转移我们的注意力，使我们无法全力应对真正的威胁。约翰·麦凯恩说，我们在阿富汗只能草草了事。而我则主张动用更多的资源和兵力来打击“9·11”事件的真正元凶，打赢这场反恐之战。我让人们明白：只要看到奥萨马·本·拉登和他的助手，就应该立刻把他们揪出来。约翰·麦凯恩喜欢说，即便是追到地狱门口，他也要追到本·拉登，但他甚至连本·拉登居住的洞穴都没去过。

而如今，当我发出的尽早从伊拉克撤兵的呼吁得到了伊拉克政府乃至布什政府的回应，当我们得知伊拉克拥有790亿美元的贸易顺差，而美国仍在遭遇赤字之后，约翰·麦凯恩仍然一意孤行，固执地反对停止这场错误的战争。我们需要的不是这样的判断。因为这种判断无法确保美国的安全。我们需要的是一位能够直面未来威胁的总统，他不应该死抓着昔日的想法不放。

你无法通过占领伊拉克摧毁一支活动于八十个国家的恐怖组织。你无法单凭在华盛顿发表的激烈言辞来保护以色列，遏制伊朗。你无法真正地维护格鲁吉亚的利益，在你拖垮了我们最古老的同盟者之后。如果约翰·麦凯恩想用更激烈的言辞和糟糕的策略来追随乔治·布什，那是他自己的选择。但随之而来的改变，不是我们所需要的。

我们和罗斯福同宗同源。我们和肯尼迪同宗同源。所以，别说民主党无法捍卫这个国家。别说民主党无法确保我们的安全。“布什-麦凯恩”式的外交政策已将世代美国人(民主党人和共和党人)积累的遗产挥霍掉了，而我们正是为恢复遗产而来。

作为总司令，我将义无反顾地捍卫这个国家，但是，我只会出于明确的使命让我们的军队经受战争之苦，同时，我会履行神圣的承诺：他们作战时，为他们配备必需的物资;他们战后返家时，为他们提供应有的关心和福利。

出于责任我将结束在伊拉克的战争，并击溃阿富汗的基地组织和塔利班组织。我将重建军事力量，为未来的战争做好准备。对于那种能够阻止伊朗拥有核武器，遏制俄罗斯侵略的强硬而直接的外交策略，我将对其进行革新。我将建立新的伙伴关系，以挫败二十一世纪的威胁：恐怖主义与核扩散，贫困与种族灭绝，气候改变与疾病。我还要恢复我们的道德立场，使美国再次成为向往自由、渴望和平、渴望美好未来的人们最后以及最好的圆梦之地。我将追随这些政策。我期待在几周之后与约翰·麦凯恩就此展开讨论。

然而，我建议麦凯恩参议员不要让政治目的左右他的观点。因为在政治生活中，有一点是我们必须改变的，那就是如果不对彼此的性格和爱国心做出挑衅，人们便不会发生争论。

时间紧迫，党派之争带来的代价过于高昂。所以，我们要相信爱国心没有党派之分。我爱这个国家，你也一样，约翰·麦凯恩也一样。在战场上服役的男女同胞，也许是民主党员，也许是共和党员，也许是无党派人士，但是，在同一面骄傲的旗帜下，他们一起战斗，一起流血，有些人还一起牺牲。他们不为“红色美国”服役，也不为“蓝色美国”服役——他们为美利坚合众国服役。

所以，我来告诉你，约翰·麦凯恩。我们都把国家放在第一位。

美国，我们的工作并不轻松。在挑战面前，我们必须作出艰难的选择，民主党同共和党一样，需要抛弃陈腐的观点和过时的政见。过去八年里我们丧失的部分，仅用损失的工薪和更严重的贸易逆差是无法衡量的。同样丧失的还有共同的使命感——我们更高的使命。而这正是我们必须恢复的。

我们可以不赞成流产，然而毫无疑问，我们会赞成减少这个国家的意外怀孕率。允许持枪，对俄亥俄州农村的猎户和遭受匪帮暴力威胁的克利夫兰的人们来说，不是一码事。但是，别一边禁止罪犯手拿AK-47步枪，一边跟我说我们不能支持宪法的第二修正案。我知道同性婚姻会有所不同，然而毫无疑问，我们会赞成那些身为同性恋的兄弟姐妹们能够去医院看望他们所爱的人，过上没有歧视的生活。反对外来移民的情绪高涨，然而，当一位母亲与尚在襁褓中的孩子分开时，当雇主通过雇用非法劳工而降低美国工资水平时，我不知道有谁能从中获益。这也在美国的承诺范围之内——一种民主的承诺，在这种承诺中，我们能够找到消除分歧、团结民众的力量与美德。

我知道有人会摒弃这些信念，把它们看做笑谈。他们宣称我们对民众生活中更庞大、更坚固和更正直的事物之坚持就如同一只特洛伊木马，只会导致更高的税收以及传统价值的流失。这是意料中的事。因为如果没有任何新鲜的想法，你只能用一些陈腐的战术去吓唬选民。如果手头没有一份记录作为谈资，你只能把对手描述成一个众叛亲离的人。

你制造了一场关乎琐碎小事的大选。而你知道吗，以前就有过这种做法。因为它是犬儒主义(我们都对政府抱有这种观点)的温床。当华盛顿不起作用时，它的所有承诺似乎都成了空谈。如果你的希望一再被击碎，那么最好别再抱有希望，接受你已经了解的事实。这一点我懂。我认识到对于这一职务，我不是最有希望的候选人。我没有显赫的家世，也没有在华盛顿工作的经历。

然而，今晚我就站在你们面前，因为整个美国都在为某件事而激动。反对者不会明白，这次选举自始至终不是关于我的，而是关于你们的。十八个月以来，你们先后站起来，针对过去的政治活动发表了足够多的言论。你们知道在这次选举中，我们最大的冒险是同样的老面孔、同样的老政策能否带来不一样的结果。你们已经展示了历史留给我们的教训，在这决定性的时刻，我们需要的改变不是“来自”华盛顿，而是“指向”华盛顿。改变因美国人民的需要而出现——因为他们站了出来，主张新观念和新领导，新时代的新政治。

美国，那样的时刻再次来临。

我坚信不管有多么艰难，我们所需的改变正在到来。因为我已经看到它了，因为我已经置身其中。我已经在伊利诺伊看到它了，我们为更多的儿童提供了保健，使更多家庭从依赖福利走向自食其力。我已经在华盛顿看到它了，我们打破党派的界线，共同努力令政府广开言路，使院外游说集团对自己的行为更负责任;给予退役军人更好的待遇;阻止恐怖主义者沾手核武器。

我在这次竞选中看到了它。它出现于那些初次参与投票的年轻选民中，也出现于那些再次参与投票的老选民中。出现于那些从没想过会为民主党投票，却给它投了票的共和党人中。我在那些情愿自己少拿薪水，也不愿看到朋友们失业的工人身上看到了它;在那些失去肢体仍再次应募的士兵身上看到了它;在那些于暴风和洪水来袭时收容陌生人的善良同胞身上看到了它。

我们国家拥有世界上最多的财富，然而让我们富有的并非是财富。我们拥有世界上最强大的军事力量，然而让我们强大的并非军事力量。我们的大学和文化受到全世界的羡慕，然而并非它们促使世界各国的人们登陆美国。相反，是美国精神——美国的承诺促使我们前行，即便前路坎坷;它将我们联系到一起，尽管我们有所不同;它让我们不要只盯着肉眼所能见到的，还要关注那些看不到的——那目力不及处的美景。那承诺是留给我们的最大的遗产。夜里给女儿掖被子的时候，我会向她们说出这个承诺;你也会向你的孩子们说出这个承诺——这个承诺引领移民者漂洋过海，引领先驱们挺进西部;这个承诺把工人们领往纠察线，让女人取得选举权。

正是这个承诺，在四十五年前的今天，把美国人从这片土地的各个角落领到一起，在华盛顿的一条林荫大道上，在林肯纪念碑前，聆听一位来自佐治亚州的年轻牧师宣讲他的梦想。聚集在那里的男男女女们，也许听到了很多东西。他们也许听到了愤怒与不和谐的言辞。也许曾有人要求他们，要他们屈从于许多被延迟的梦境带来的恐惧和失败。然而，事实与此相反，人们——各种信仰、各种肤色、各行各业的人们听到的是——在美国，我们的命运紧紧地连在一起。而我们的梦也可以成为一个共同的梦。

“我们不能独行，”牧师呼吁道。“在行走时，我们必须保证一直前行。我们不能回头。”

美国，我们不能回头。有太多的工作等着我们去完成。有太多的孩子需要教育，太多的退役军人需要关爱。经济亟待修复，城市亟待重建，农场亟待拯救。太多的家庭需要保护，太多人的生活需要改善。美国，我们不能回头。我们不能独行。在这一时刻，在这次选举中，我们必须再一次保证向未来挺进。让我们履行那个承诺吧——美国的承诺——正如圣经所指引的那样笔直前行，直到实现我们内心的希望。

感谢你们，上帝保佑你们，上帝保佑美利坚合众国。

精彩语录

It’s a promise that says each of us has the freedom to make of our own lives what we will, but that we also have the obligation to treat each other with dignity and respect.

我们承诺每个人都能自由地过上自己想要的生活，但是我们也有责任保护别人的尊严。

It’s a promise that says the market should reward drive and innovation and generate growth, but that businesses should live up to their responsibilities to create American jobs, look out for American workers, and play by the rules of the road.

我们承诺市场将会奖励勤奋和创新并创造增长，但是企业应当履行责任为美国人创造工作机会，保障工人权利和遵守规则。

Ours is a promise that says government cannot solve all our problems, but what it should do is that which we cannot do for ourselves—protect us from harm and provide every child a decent education; keep our water clean and our toys safe; invest in new schools and new roads and new science and technology.

我们承诺虽然政府不能解决所有的问题，但是可以为我们所有人谋求福利——保护我们不受伤害，让每个孩子都有接受教育的机会;保证我们喝上清洁的水，保证我们的玩具安全;投资建设新的学校，新的道路，支持科技的发展。

Our government should work for us, not against us. It should help us, not hurt us. It should ensure opportunity not just for those with the most money and influence, but for every American who’s willing to work.

我们的政府应该为我们工作，而不是与我们作对。政府应该帮助我们，而不是伤害我们。政府应该保证每个人的机会平等，不能袒护那些有权或有钱的人，而是保护每一个勤奋的美国人。

That’s the promise of America—the idea that we are responsible for ourselves, but that we also rise or fall as one nation; the fundamental belief that I am my brother’s keeper; I am my sister’s keeper.

这就是美国的承诺——我们每个人都要为自己负责。但我们也是一个同甘共苦的整体，我们会关爱我们的兄弟姐妹，关爱每个人。

That’s the promise we need to keep. That’s the change we need right now. So let me spell out exactly what that change would mean if I am president.

这就是我们需要履行的承诺。这就是现在我们所需要的改变。所以，如果我能成为美国总统，我将准确诠释改变世界的真谛。