罗斯福于1930年任纽约州长后的演讲

罗斯福于1930年任纽约州长后的演讲 英文版

In speaking to you, men of the greatest city of the West, men of the state which gave to the country Lincoln and Grant, men who preminently and distinctly embody all that is most American in the American character, I wish to preach not the doctrine of ignoble ease but the doctrine of the strenuous life; the life of toil and effort; of labor and strife; to preach that highest form of success which comes not to the man who desires mere easy peace but to the man who does not shrink from danger, from hardship, or from bitter toil, and who out of these wins the splendid ultimate triumph...

As it is with the individual so it is with the nation. It is a base untruth to say that happy is the nation that has no history. Thrice happy is the nation that has a glorious history. Far better it is to dare mighty things, to win glorious triumphs, even though checkered by failure, than to take rank with those poor spirits who neither enjoy much nor suffer much because they live in the gray twilight that knows neither victory nor defeat. If in 1861 the men who loved the Union had believed that peace was the end of all things and war and strife a worst of all things, and had acted up to their belief, we would have saved hundreds of thousands of lives, we would have saved hundreds of millions of dollars. Moreover, besides saving all the blood and treasure we then lavished, we would have prevented the heartbreak of many women, the dissolution of many homes; and we would have spared the country those months of gloom and shame when it seemed as if our armies marched only to defeat. We would have avoided all this suffering simply by shrinking from strife. And if we had thus avoided it we would have shown that we were—weaklings and that we were unfit to stand among the great nations of the earth. Thank God for the iron in the blood of our fathers, the men who upheld the wisdom of Lincoln and bore sword or rifle in the armies of Grant! Let us, the children of the men who proved themselves equal to the mighty days—let us, the children of the men who carried the great Civil War to a triumphant conclusion, praise the God of our fathers that the ignoble counsels of peace were rejected, that the suffering and loss, the blackness of sorrow and despair, were unflinchingly faced and the years of strife endured; for in the end the slave was freed, the Union restored, and the mighty American Republic placed once more as a helmeted queen among nations.

We of this generation do not have to face a task such as that our fathers faced, but we have our tasks, and—woe to us if we fail to perform them!

We cannot, if we would, play the part of China, and be content to rot by inches in ignoble ease within our borders, taking no interest in what goes on beyond them; sunk in a scrambling commercialism; heedless of the higher life, the life of aspiration, of toil and risk; busying ourselves only with the wants of our bodies for the day; until suddenly we should find, beyond a shadow of question, what China has already found, that in this world the nation that has trained itself to a career of unwarlike and isolated ease is bound in the end to go down before other nations which have not lost the manly and adventurous qualities.

If we are to be a really great people, we must strive in good faith to play a great part in the world. We cannot avoid meeting great issues. All that we can determine for ourselves is whether we shall meet them well or ill. Last year we could not help being brought face to face with the problem of war with Spain. All we could decide was whether we should shrink like cowards from the contest or enter into it as beseemed a brave and high—spirited people; and, once in, whether failure or success should crown our banners. So it is now. We cannot avoid the responsibilities that confront us in Hawaii, Cuba, Puerto Rico, and the Philippines. All we can decide is whether we shall meet them in a way that will redound to the national credit, or whether we shall make of our dealings with these new problems a dark and shameful page in our history. To refuse to deal with them at all merely amounts to dealing with them badly. We have a given problem to solve. If we undertake the solution there is, of course, always danger that we may not solve it aright, but to refuse to undertake the solution simply renders it certain that we cannot possibly solve it aright.

The timid man, the lazy man, the man who distrusts his country, the overcivilized man, who has lost the great fighting, masterful virtues, the ignorant man and the man of dull mind, whose soul is incapable of feeling the mighty lift that thrills “stern men with empires in their brains” —all these, of course, shrink from seeing the nation undertake its new duties; shrink from seeing us build a navy and army adequate to our needs; shrink from seeing us do our share of the world’s work by bringing order out of chaos in the great, fair tropic islands from which the valor of our soldiers and sailors has driven the Spanish flag. These are the men who fear the strenuous life, who fear the only national life which is really worth leading.

I preach to you, then, my countrymen, that our country calls not for the life of ease, but for the life of strenuous endeavor. The twentieth century looms before us big with the fate of many nations.

If we stand idly by, if we seek merely swollen, slothful ease, and ignoble peace, if we shrink from the hard contests where men must win at hazard of their lives and at the risk of all they hold dear, then the bolder and stronger peoples will pass us by and will win for themselves the domination of the world. Let us therefore boldly face the life of strife, resolute to do our duty well and manfully; resolute to uphold righteousness by deed and by word; resolute to be both honest and brave, to serve high ideals, yet to use practical methods. Above all, let us shrink from no strife, moral or physical, within or without the nation, provided we are certain that the strife is justified; for it is only through strife, through hard and dangerous endeavor, that we shall ultimately win the goal of true national greatness.

罗斯福于1930年任纽约州长后的演讲 中文版

今天的听众来自美国西部最伟大的城市，这里出过林肯总统、格兰特将军这样的伟人，这里的人民最突出最明显地体现了美国人的特点，面对这样伟大的人民，我想宣扬的不是可鄙的贪图安逸享乐的人生哲学，而是生命不止奋斗不息的人生哲学。我认为人生应该为最出色的成就奋斗，这种成就绝不是那些想安闲地过日子的人们所能得到的，只有那些不畏艰险、不怕劳累的人们才有可能取得最后的辉煌胜利……

对一个人来说应该奋斗不息，对一个民族来说也应该如此。说没有历史的民族是幸福的民族，这是卑劣的谎言。具有光荣历史的民族是十分幸运的。向强有力的事物挑战，去夺取辉煌的胜利，即使遭受挫折也比苟且偷安强得多，因为得过且过的人生活在暗淡的暮光之中，既体验不到胜利的欢乐，也尝受不到失败的痛苦。在1861年，要是那些热爱联邦的人们认为和平是最终的目的，认为战争与冲突是最不幸的事情，并且按这种想法去做了，那么我们可以避免千百万人头颅落地，可以节省大量的财力，而且除了可以省去我们所付出的生命和金钱方面的代价外，还可以使我们的妇女同胞免受心碎之苦，使我们的人民免遭家破人亡之罪。当联邦军队似乎只是在走向失败时，我们的国家也可以免得陷入长达几个月之久的忧愁与耻辱之中。要是我们在冲突面前畏缩不前，我们可以避免这些痛苦;要是我们回避了这些痛苦，我们就成了不配屹立于世界伟大民族之林的懦夫。感谢主给了我们先辈钢铁般的意志，他们支持了林肯总统的英明抉择，拿起了刀枪加入了格兰特将军的队伍。我们是不愧于伟大时代的英雄们的儿女，是把伟大内战进行到底直至取得最后胜利的英雄们的后代，让我们赞美主让我们的先辈拒绝了可耻的主和意见，让我们的先辈毫不畏缩地去面对痛苦、失败、悲伤、失望的磨练，去经历几年的内战，因为最后奴隶们获得了解放，联邦得到了保存，强大的美利坚合众国再一次像巨人般地屹立于世界民族之林。

我们这一代人用不着面临我们先辈所面临的那种任务，但是，我们也有自己的任务，要是我们没能完成我们的任务，我们就要遭到不幸。

我们决不能扮演中国的角色，要是我们重蹈中国的覆辙，自满自足，贪图自己疆域内的安宁享乐，渐渐地腐败堕落，对国外的事情毫无兴趣。沉溺于纸醉金迷之中，忘掉了奋发向上，若干冒险的高尚生活，整天忙于满足我们肉体暂时的欲望，那么毫无疑问，总有一天我们会突然发现中国今天已经发生的这一事实：畏惧战争、闭关锁国、贪图安宁享乐的民族在其他好战、爱冒险民族的进攻面前肯定是要衰败的。

如果我们要成为真正伟大的民族，我们必须竭尽全力在国际事务中起巨大的作用。我们无法回避大问题，我们能决定的仅是该如何处理这些问题。去年我们被卷入了与西班牙的战争，那也是不可避免的。我们所能考虑的仅是我们该像懦夫那样退缩呢?还是该勇敢、斗志昂扬地开赴战场，以及一旦进入了战场，我们是否能打胜?现在的情况也是如此，我们无法回避在夏威夷、古巴、波多黎各和菲律宾所面临的责任。我们所能考虑的仅是我们能否妥善处理这些问题，增强我国的威望，以及我们对这些新问题的处理不当，会不会成为我们历史上黑暗耻辱的一页。拒绝处理这些问题与处理得一败涂地没什么两样。我们面临着要我们处理的问题，要是我们着手去解决，必然存在着处理不当的危险，但是拒不处理就等于承认我们根本无法处理。

懦夫，懒汉，对政府持怀疑态度的人，丧失了斗争精神和支配能力文质彬彬的人，愚昧无知的人，还有那些无法感受到坚定不移的人们，受到巨大鼓舞仍麻木不仁的人——所有这些人当然害怕看到他们的国家承担了新的职责，害怕看到我们建立能满足我国需要的海军和陆军，害怕看到我们承担国际义务，害怕看到我们勇敢的士兵和水手们把西班牙的军队赶出去，让伟大美丽的热带岛屿从大乱中达到大治。这些人害怕过艰苦的生活，害怕过这种唯一值得的民族生活。

同胞们，我们国家要求大家过的不是安逸的生活而是艰苦奋斗的生活。二十世纪许多国家的命运将处于危难之中，这种危险也威胁着我们。

如果我们袖手旁观，如果我们仅仅追求昏庸懒散的悠闲生活和安逸，如果我们不参与这种必须以生命和珍爱的一切去获取胜利的激烈竞争，那么比我们野蛮强大的民族将甩开我们，控制整个世界。因此，让我们勇敢地面对生活的挑战，决心以男子汉大丈夫的气概去完成我们的职责，用我们的誓言和行动来维护正义，既要真诚大胆又要采取切实可行的方法来实现我们的理想。最重要的是，只要我们认为我们是站在正义一边，我们都不要在国内外物质或精神上的冲突面前退缩，因为只有通过斗争，通过艰苦危险的斗争，我们才能实现我们民族进步的目的。