读《FT·金融时报》学英语：Donald Trump/唐纳德·特朗普
It Can't Happen Here was the title of Sinclair Lewis's celebrated 1935 novel about fascism in America.It didn't then, and many well-informed Americans—Republicans and Democrats—believed that the election of Donald Trump wouldn't happen either.
《不可能在这里发生》是辛克莱尔·刘易斯1935年发表的关于法西斯主义在美国的著名小说。当时确实没发生，而美国的很多有识之士——共和党和民主党都有——也曾认为唐纳德·特朗普不可能当选。
Then came the night of Mr Trump's triumph.It was one that few with even the faintest political awareness will ever forget.Almost everyone turned out to be wrong—everyone, that is, except the man who apparently lived in a fantasy world.“It is going to be Brexit times five,” Mr Trump said during the campaign.For once he may have been understating things.
接着迎来了特朗普的胜利之夜。那是连最不具备政治意识的人也永远难忘的少数几个重大夜晚之一。几乎每个人都猜错了——或者说，除了那位明显生活在梦幻世界的人以外的所有人。“这带来的影响将是英国退欧的五倍，”特朗普在竞选期间曾经说道。那一次，他或许低估了事实。
Each circumstance may be unique but they are bound by powerful trends.The biggest is a general revulsion against established politics.Closely related is the collapse in trust for the media—or the Lügenpresse as Mr Trump's alt-right supporters call it, in a reprisal of Hitler's attacks on the “lying press”.
这些事件发生的舞台或许各不相同，但是它们都被强大趋势捆绑在一起。最大的趋势是公众对建制派政治的普遍反感。与之紧密相连的趋势是公众对媒体的信任坍塌——或者像特朗普的另类右翼支持者所称的“说谎的媒体”(Lügenpresse)，重现了当年希特勒对“说谎的媒体”发起的攻击。
A third is a rejection of globalisation.Mr Trump's vow to “put America first” echoes what his European counterparts say about their countries.The older, whiter, non-urban and heavily male coalition that helped to elect him is strikingly similar to populist demographics in Europe.
第三个趋势是拒绝全球化。特朗普誓言“把美国放在首位”，与他在欧洲的同僚对本国说的话遥相呼应。帮助特朗普胜选的人群——年龄较大、白人男性和非城市居民为主——与欧洲的民粹主义者在人口结构上惊人地相似。
Mr Trump's most extravagant claim was that “I alone can fix it”—by which he meant the “rigged” system of special interests who curry favour with politicians to further their ends.
特朗普最张扬的说法是“只有我才能搞定”(I alone can fix it)——他指的是搞定目前受到特殊利益集团“操纵”的体制，这些利益集团通过拉拢政客来达到自己的目的。
Mr Trump was happy to admit he was one of those special interests, having contributed to both the Democratic and Republican parties during a lifetime of political shape-shifting.He also bragged of having avoided taxes.Yet he vowed to be an iconoclastic president in which no rules, institution or even constitutional principle would be sacred.
特朗普乐于承认他是特殊利益集团之一，在他一生的政治变身中，他为民主党和共和党都做过贡献。他还吹嘘过自己的避税行为。不过，他发誓将成为一名打破常规的总统，不会惧怕任何规则、机构、甚至宪法原则。
If he meant it, the long-term damage to American democracy could be incalculable.Yet the thrice-married Mr Trump is nothing if not nimble.He can alter his stance with the same alacrity as he drops negotiating positions with creditors.The only thread is promotion of the Trump brand.Beyond that, does he have a core philosophy?
如果此话当真，美国的民主制度可能遭受无法估量的长期损害。不过，结过3次婚的特朗普极其滑头。他可以敏捷地改变立场，就像他在与债权人谈判时善于放弃谈判立场那样。唯一不变的主线是推广特朗普这个品牌。除此之外，他有任何核心理念吗？
《不可能在这里发生》是辛克莱尔·刘易斯1935年发表的关于法西斯主义在美国的著名小说。当时确实没发生，而美国的很多有识之士——共和党和民主党都有——也曾认为唐纳德·特朗普不可能当选。
Then came the night of Mr Trump's triumph.It was one that few with even the faintest political awareness will ever forget.Almost everyone turned out to be wrong—everyone, that is, except the man who apparently lived in a fantasy world.“It is going to be Brexit times five,” Mr Trump said during the campaign.For once he may have been understating things.
接着迎来了特朗普的胜利之夜。那是连最不具备政治意识的人也永远难忘的少数几个重大夜晚之一。几乎每个人都猜错了——或者说，除了那位明显生活在梦幻世界的人以外的所有人。“这带来的影响将是英国退欧的五倍，”特朗普在竞选期间曾经说道。那一次，他或许低估了事实。
Each circumstance may be unique but they are bound by powerful trends.The biggest is a general revulsion against established politics.Closely related is the collapse in trust for the media—or the Lügenpresse as Mr Trump's alt-right supporters call it, in a reprisal of Hitler's attacks on the “lying press”.
这些事件发生的舞台或许各不相同，但是它们都被强大趋势捆绑在一起。最大的趋势是公众对建制派政治的普遍反感。与之紧密相连的趋势是公众对媒体的信任坍塌——或者像特朗普的另类右翼支持者所称的“说谎的媒体”(Lügenpresse)，重现了当年希特勒对“说谎的媒体”发起的攻击。
A third is a rejection of globalisation.Mr Trump's vow to “put America first” echoes what his European counterparts say about their countries.The older, whiter, non-urban and heavily male coalition that helped to elect him is strikingly similar to populist demographics in Europe.
第三个趋势是拒绝全球化。特朗普誓言“把美国放在首位”，与他在欧洲的同僚对本国说的话遥相呼应。帮助特朗普胜选的人群——年龄较大、白人男性和非城市居民为主——与欧洲的民粹主义者在人口结构上惊人地相似。
Mr Trump's most extravagant claim was that “I alone can fix it”—by which he meant the “rigged” system of special interests who curry favour with politicians to further their ends.
特朗普最张扬的说法是“只有我才能搞定”(I alone can fix it)——他指的是搞定目前受到特殊利益集团“操纵”的体制，这些利益集团通过拉拢政客来达到自己的目的。
Mr Trump was happy to admit he was one of those special interests, having contributed to both the Democratic and Republican parties during a lifetime of political shape-shifting.He also bragged of having avoided taxes.Yet he vowed to be an iconoclastic president in which no rules, institution or even constitutional principle would be sacred.
特朗普乐于承认他是特殊利益集团之一，在他一生的政治变身中，他为民主党和共和党都做过贡献。他还吹嘘过自己的避税行为。不过，他发誓将成为一名打破常规的总统，不会惧怕任何规则、机构、甚至宪法原则。
If he meant it, the long-term damage to American democracy could be incalculable.Yet the thrice-married Mr Trump is nothing if not nimble.He can alter his stance with the same alacrity as he drops negotiating positions with creditors.The only thread is promotion of the Trump brand.Beyond that, does he have a core philosophy?
如果此话当真，美国的民主制度可能遭受无法估量的长期损害。不过，结过3次婚的特朗普极其滑头。他可以敏捷地改变立场，就像他在与债权人谈判时善于放弃谈判立场那样。唯一不变的主线是推广特朗普这个品牌。除此之外，他有任何核心理念吗？
