分析：伊朗最新抗议活动的特点
当伊朗防暴警察列队与反政府示威者对峙的时候，一名穿着牛仔裤、戴着粉红色头巾的年轻女士冲到这些警察面前尖叫道：“哈梅内伊去死。”
A crowd nearby followed suit, shouting slogans against Ayatollah Ali Khamenei. Video footage of the incident in the historic city of Isfahan on Friday went viral, and similar chants against the Islamic republic’s supreme leader have become a feature of the five days of unrest.
附近的人群纷纷效仿，高呼着反对阿亚图拉•阿里•哈梅内伊(Ayatollah Ali Khamenei)的口号。上周五发生在伊斯法罕市的这起事件的视频流传开来，反对这个伊斯兰共和国最高领导人的类似口号已经成了近几天骚乱的一个特征。
The diatribes launched against Mr Khamenei underline the unusual nature of the protests that have become the biggest challenge to the regime in almost a decade. Public criticism of the supreme leader has been a taboo subject since the Islamic revolution, and was barely raised by protesters during the last big anti-government demonstrations in 2009.
对哈梅内伊的谩骂突显出这些抗议活动的不同寻常的性质——这些抗议活动已经成为近十年来对这个政权的最大规模的挑战。公众对这位最高领导人的批评是伊斯兰革命以来的一个禁忌话题，而且在上次发生于2009年的大规模反政府示威游行中，抗议者几乎没有批评哈梅内伊。
But young Iranians disillusioned with the government and angered by poverty, high unemployment and corruption appear to have become increasingly emboldened to speak out against their leaders.
但伊朗的年轻人对政府感到失望，对贫穷、高失业率和腐败感到愤慨，他们似乎日益敢于公开反对领导人。
“It is shocking that some protesters easily stand up and chant ‘Death to Khamenei’,” said one reformist analyst. “Demonstrators behave as if they do not believe the political establishment is strong any more and as if it is on the verge of collapse.”
一位改革派分析人士表示：“一些抗议者挺身而出，高喊‘哈梅内伊去死’，这令人震惊。示威者表现得似乎不再认为政治当局是强大的，好像当局就要垮了。”
Iranians have also been surprised by the varied backgrounds of those taking to the streets. When the 2009 protests erupted after hardliner Mahmoud Ahmadi-Nejad won a disputed election, they were largely confined to Tehran with disgruntled middle-class Iranians at the forefront.
伊朗人也对那些走上街头背景各异的抗议者感到惊讶。2009年，在强硬派人士马哈茂德•艾哈迈迪-内贾德(Mahmoud Ahmadi-Nejad)赢得有争议的选举之后，抗议活动爆发，但抗议主要发生在德黑兰，冲在前面的是心怀不满的中产阶层人士。
Fewer people have taken part in latest unrest, but it spread rapidly hitting small and large towns and cities across the country, and it does not appear to be driven by a particular group or class. One political analyst said the protests erupted within a “widespread but shallow” movement of those who feel socially and economically marginalised.
当前抗议活动的参加人数比较少，但抗议迅速蔓延到全国各地的大小城镇，而且似乎并不是由一个特定的群体或阶层推动的。一位政治分析人士表示，这些抗议活动爆发的大背景，是由那些感到在社会和经济上被边缘化的人群掀起的“普遍但浅层的”运动。
At least 20 people, including two teenagers and a policeman, are believed to have been killed in the demonstrations and hundreds of people have been arrested. The authorities said on Tuesday that the protests had been “curbed” and would soon end.
人们相信，至少有20人在示威中丧生，包括两名青少年和一名警察，还有数百人被捕。伊朗当局周二表示，抗议活动已经受到“遏制”，很快就会结束。
In his first comments on the unrest, Mr Khamenei blamed the country’s foreign “enemies” for the crisis, a narrative that had been repeated by Iranian officials who blame the US, the UK and Saudi Arabia for fomenting the protests.
哈梅内伊在首次评论骚乱时将此次危机归咎于伊朗的外国“敌人”，这是伊朗官员经常用来指责美国、英国和沙特阿拉伯煽动抗议的说法。
The demonstrations started with a peaceful rally by thousands of people in Mashhad, Iran’s second city, on Thursday in a protest against rising living costs. Reformist politicians initially responded by claiming that regime hardliners had organised the demonstrations to undermine the centrist government of Hassan Rouhani.
示威活动开始于上周四伊朗第二大城市马什哈德有数千人参与的一个和平集会，参加者抗议生活成本不断上涨。改革派政治人士最初回应称，强硬派组织了这场示威活动，以削弱哈桑•鲁哈尼(Hassan Rouhani)的中间派政府。
But some Iranian analysts blame Mr Rouhani, saying he has distanced himself from the millions who voted for him in May elections when he won a landslide victory over his hardline opponent on promises of reform and cracking down on corruption.
但是伊朗一些分析人士指责鲁哈尼称，他已经脱离了5月时投票支持他的数以百万计的选民，当时他凭借改革和打击腐败的承诺压倒性地击败了强硬派的对手。
Mr Rouhani insists he is committed to his election pledges and he presented a budget to parliament last month in which many state organisations affiliated to hardliners are required to be more transparent about their expenditure. This came after the central bank started to regulate financial institutions affiliated to powerful bodies, such as the Revolutionary Guards, that account for about a quarter of all bank transactions in the republic.
鲁哈尼坚称自己正在履行选举承诺，上个月他向议会提交了一份预算案，其中包括要求很多附属于强硬派的政府机构在支出上更加透明。更早之前，伊朗央行开始着手规范附属于革命卫队(Revolutionary Guards)等强大机构的金融机构，这些机构占了伊朗约四分之一的银行交易。
But the move has caused unease among millions of depositors who are worried that their savings might be effected by the measures. The budget also sparked anger after Iranians posted sections of it on social media that showed how much state funding goes to various institutions, including religious organisations that should rely only on charitable donations.
但此举引起数百万储户的不安，他们担心自己的存款可能受到相关措施的影响。那份预算案也引起了愤怒，因为有人在社交媒体上张贴了其中的部分内容，显示有多少国家资金流入各类机构，包括那些本应该只依靠慈善捐赠的宗教组织。
The frustration was exacerbated by the government’s plans to increase fuel prices and reform a subsidy programme that would mean 30m people would no longer be eligible for monthly state payments of 455,000 riyals, ($12.60).
政府提高燃油价格和改革补贴政策的计划加剧了民众不满，改革意味着将有3000万人不再有资格获得每月45.5万里亚尔(合12.60美元)的政府补贴。
The protesters have been chanting “Death to Rouhani” and “Death to the dictator”. They have also criticised Iran’s expensive military interventions in Syria and Iraq.
抗议者一直高呼“鲁哈尼去死”和“独裁者去死”。他们还批评伊朗在叙利亚和伊拉克成本高昂的军事干预。
“These [protests] are the result of an acute disease caused by three decades of mismanagement that has created a mafia of power and wealth, while many people feel they are victims,” said Hossein Raghfar, an economist. “The whole system needs a major review of policies.”
“这些(抗议活动)是近三十年治理不善导致的重疾的结果，因为政府的治理不当，滋生了一个权力和财富的集团，同时很多人觉得自己是受害者，”经济学家侯赛因•拉格法(Hossein Raghfar)表示，“整个体制需要对各项政策进行严肃审视。”
Pro-reform analysts believe the hardliners, who typically tout populist policies, hope to exploit the grim mood to push back against change. Parliament has to approve the budget by March and could seek to use their influence over MPs to block the president’s economic reforms.
支持改革的分析人士认为，那些通常鼓吹民粹主义政策的强硬派希望利用民众沮丧情绪来阻止改革。议会3月前必须批准预算案，并可能试图利用其对议员的影响力来阻止鲁哈尼的经济改革计划。
“Mr Rouhani may not be able to push for his moderate economic reforms because of the pretext of the street protests,” said Saeed Laylaz, a reform-minded economist. “Hardliners are determined to prevent any structural economic reforms, including [increasing] energy prices and taxing institutions linked to their power centres.”
“街头抗议将被拿来作托辞，鲁哈尼可能无法推进他的温和经济改革，”改革派经济学家赛义德•莱拉兹(Saeed Laylaz)表示，“强硬派决心阻止一切结构性经济改革，包括(上调)能源价格以及向与其权力中心关联的机构征税。”
But Abbas Abdi, a reform-minded analyst, said that hardliners would be wrong to think they can take advantage of people’s frustrations.
但是改革派分析人士阿巴斯•阿卜迪(Abbas Abdi)表示，强硬派如果认为他们可以利用民众的挫败感，那他们就想错了。
“The main reason behind these incidents is the despair and hopelessness in society,” Mr Abdi, a reform-minded analyst told a local news agency. “Any despair will surely affect all [political] sectors.”
“这些事件背后的主要原因是社会上的失望和绝望感，”改革派分析人士阿卜迪向当地一家新闻机构表示，“失望必然会影响到所有(政治)派别。”
